Yuva Bharati November 2011
Vol.39 No.4 Kartik-Margashirsh 5113 November 2011 R.15/-
Editorial “The Good for Nothing Boy” of Calcutta! Prosperous India - 17 Communal Violence Bill – A Direct Assault On The States Communal Violence Bill divides society Preventing Communal Violence or Sowing Communal Dissension?
V.Senthil Kumar
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04 07
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Sister Nivedita : Who Gave Her All to India-12
A Journey within . . .
27 29
Was Tantya Tope Really Hanged By British in 1857? 37
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Yuva bharati - 1 - November 2011
Invocation
Jayatu jayatu süryaà saptalokaikadépaà kiraëaçamitapäpa kleça duùkhasya näçam| aruëakiraëa gamyam ädim ädityamürtià sakala bhuvanavandyaà bhäskaraà taà namämi|| I worship Lord Surya, whom with his rays dispels all sorrows and sins, Who is the light for all the worlds, who is primordial and worshipped by all.
Yuva bharati 2 November 2011 Yuva bharati -- 2 -- September 2011
Editorial
Be friendly………
Be friendly with the deceitful neighbor. Show mercy to the terrorists. Allow undue space to those who give calls for secession. Legitimize the infiltrators. Turn a blind eye to insurgents and if this is not enough, divide the majority community on lines of caste, region and language and oppress them further. This seems to be the Mantra, our inept and spineless government believes in. While falling into a bottomless pit of shame and disgrace every day, our rulers however don't shy away from inventing something new to please their minority vote banks and create havoc in the minds of the hapless majority of this country. The proposed Draconian communal violence bill is one such regressive step which would make one feel that even the Moghul tyrants, were better administrators. The government says that its intention is to safeguard the minorities and scheduled castes /tribes from targeted violence and hatred. This is the very same government which repealed “POTA” overlooking the fact that more than 75ooo civilians were killed due to terrorist activities in the last decade alone. After proving without doubt that the lives of the majority community are of no value or concern to them, now they are intent on making the existence of the majority community more miserable.
Civil society and uncivil polity
The duty of a state is to protect all its citizens irrespective of their religious denominations. This duty is more pronounced for a state which claims itself as a secular one. But unfortunately this proposed bill has all the ingredients to make the majority community into Denizens rather than Citizens. The devious design of excluding scheduled castes/tribes from the majority community, which would please the proselytizing religions, will create more dissensions in the society. This reckless and nebulous bill should be opposed by all Nationalist forces. Never before in our independent India, were the rulers subjected to such ridicule and mockery by common man. Though the mainstream media hides the misdeeds of the ruling party, the present day society is more aware, which is evident from the blogs and social networking sites which cry foul at each and every step of misdemeanor this government indulges in. The civil society has the onus of spreading the awareness among our masses about the lurking danger coming in the guise of this Bill to protect the minorities. V.V.Balasubramanian YB-ET
Yuva bharati - 3 - November 2011
Swami Vivekananda on his return to India-8
“The Good for Nothing Boy” of Calcutta!
Nivedita Raghunath Bhide wami Vivekananda had to reply to the welcome at Calcutta, in front of the people where he was born and grew as a boy so his tone was different. Generally though the people feel proud if a boy from there place achieves something, still seeing him in a light as a great preacher etc becomes difficult. (It seems for the expenses of welcome given to Swami Vivekananda, the people of Calcutta arranged public speech of Swami Vivekananda on payment whereas in all other places the expenses were borne by the people.) Swamiji was very nostalgic when he spoke at Calcutta. He started, “One wants to lose the individual in the universal, one renounces, flies off, and tries to cut himself off from all associations of the body of the past, one works hard to forget even that he is a man; yet, in the heart of his heart, there is a soft sound, one string vibrating, one whisper, which tells him, East or West, home is best. Citizens of the capital of this Empire, before you I stand, not as a Sannyasin, no, not even as a preacher, but I come before you the same Calcutta boy to talk to you as I used to do. Ay, I would like to sit in the dust of the streets of this city, and, with the freedom of childhood, open my mind to you, my brothers. Accept, therefore, my heartfelt thanks for this unique word that you have used, "Brother". Yes, I am your brother, and you are my brothers. … Citizens of Calcutta -- my brothers -- I cannot express my gratitude to you for the kindness you have shown, or rather I should not thank you at all, for you are my brothers, you have done only a brother's duty, ay, only a Hindu brother's duty; for
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such family ties, such relationships, such love exist nowhere beyond the bounds of this motherland of ours.” For Swami Vivekananda, Sri Ramakrishna w a s ' Av a t a r v a r i s h t h a y ' t h e g re a t e s t incarnation of God. He used to say that if Sri Ramakrishna wanted, he could have created thousands of Vivekananda from speck of a dust. And yet Swamiji refrained from referring to Sri Ramakrishna each and every place. He was very selective about it. He knew he had to
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spread his message, name was not that important. But there must be one more reason for his being very selective. He was very sensitive that the name of Sri Ramakrishna could be mentioned only if the audience was mature, knowledgeable and elevated enough to revere it. Thus in Calcutta, he was very happy to talk about him and exult in his memory. So, further he continued, “…….Brothers, you have touched another chord in my heart, the deepest of all, and that is the mention of my teacher, my master, my hero, my ideal, my God in life -- Shri Ramakrishna Paramahamsa. If there has been anything achieved by me, by thoughts, or words, or deeds, if from my lips has ever fallen one word that has helped anyone in the world, I lay no claim to it, it was his. But if there have been curses falling from my lips, if there has been hatred coming out of me, it is all mine and not his. All that has been weak has been mine, and all that has been life - giving, strengthening, pure, and holy, has been his inspiration, his words, and he himself. Yes, my friends, the world has yet to know that man. We read in the history of the world about prophets and their lives, and these come down to us through centuries of writings and workings by their disciples. Through thousands of years of chiselling and modelling, the lives of the great prophets of yore come down to us; and yet, in my opinion, not one stands so high in brilliance as that life which I saw with my own eyes, under whose shadow I have lived, at whose feet I have learnt everything -- the life of Ramakrishna Paramahamsa.” Swami Vivekananda would start with words which would appeal to the audience, touch their heart and then he would come to the point of renunciation or sacrifice, working for the country. As audience differed, the words differed, even the style differed but the message remained the same. At Calcutta to enthuse the youth, he calls himself as a 'good for nothing' boy of Calcutta and says that if he could achieve this much, how much more the intelligent strong and energetic men of Calcutta can achieve. It is like Hanuman who after destroying Ravana's favourite garden
told Sita that, 'If an ordinary monkey like me could give such thrashing to Rakshasa, think how much more Sri Rama's army could do which has many great monkeys.' For Karya, a person has to diminish and lower oneself. The whole reply of Swami Vivekananda at Calcutta is marked with utter humility. His address continues, “Arise, awake and stop not till the desired end is reached. Young men of Calcutta, arise, awake, for the time is propitious. Already everything is opening out before us. Be bold and fear not. It is only in our scriptures that this adjective is given unto the Lord -- Abhih, Abhih. We have to become Abhih, fearless, and our task will be done. Arise, awake, for your country needs this tremendous sacrifice. It is the young men that will do it. "The young, the energetic, the strong, the well - built, the intellectual"-- for them is the task. And we have hundreds and thousands of such young men in Calcutta. If, as you say, I have done something, remember that I was that good - for - nothing boy playing in the streets of Calcutta. If I have done so much, how much more will you do! Arise and awake, the world is calling upon you … enthusiasm is only in my motherland. That must come out; therefore arise, young men of Calcutta, with enthusiasm in your blood. Think not that you are poor, that you have no friends. Ay, who ever saw money make the man? It is man that always makes money. The whole world has been made by the energy of man, by the power of enthusiasm, by the power of faith.” As if a tired soul has reached mother's lap or a seeker has reached the destination, Swami Vivekananda felt at Almora. As usual, his prose becomes a poem full of elevating emotions, “This is the land of dreams of our forefathers, in which was born Parvati, the Mother of India. This is the holy land where every ardent soul in India wants to come at the end of its life, and to close the last chapter of its mortal career. On the tops of the mountains of this blessed land, in the depths of its caves, on the banks of its rushing torrents, have been thought out the most wonderful thoughts, a little bit of which has drawn so much admiration even from foreigners, and which have been pronounced by the most competent of judges to
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be incomparable. This is the land which, since my very childhood, I have been dreaming of passing my life in, and as all of you are aware, I have attempted again and again to live here; and although the time was not ripe, and I had work to do and was whirled outside of this holy place, yet it is the hope of my life to end my days somewhere in this Father of Mountains where the Rishis lived, where philosophy was born. Perhaps, my friends, I shall not be able to do it, in the way that I had planned before -- how I wish that silence, that unknownness would be given to me -- yet I sincerely pray and hope, and almost believe, that my last days will be spent here, of all places on earth.” But then even at Almora, the place which Swami Vivekananda sees as the final destination, he again comes to the focus of his message that this land and our Sanatana Dharma have to guide the world. He continues, “Inhabitants of this holy land, accept my gratitude for the kind praise that has fallen from you for my little work in the West. But at the same time, my mind does not want to speak of that, either in the East or in the West. As peak after peak of this Father of Mountains began to appear before my sight, all the propensities to work, that ferment that had been going on in my brain for years, seemed to quiet down, and instead of talking about what had been done and what going to be done, the mind reverted to that one eternal theme which the Himalayas always teach us, that one theme which is reverberating in the very atmosphere of this place, the one theme the murmur of which I hear even now in the rushing whirlpools of its rivers -renunciation! [Sanskrit]--"Everything in this life is fraught with fear. It is renunciation alone that makes one fearless." Yes, this is the land of renunciation. The time will not permit me, and the circumstances are not fitting, to speak to you fully. I shall have to conclude, therefore, by pointing out to you that the Himalayas stand for that renunciation, and the grand lesson we shall ever teach to humanity will be renunciation. As our forefathers used to be attracted towards it in the latter days of their lives, so strong souls from all quarters of this earth, in time to come,
will be attracted to this Father of Mountains, when all this fight between sects and all those differences in dogmas will not be remembered any more, and quarrels between your religion and my religion will have vanished altogether, when mankind will understand that there is but one eternal religion, and that is the perception of the divine within, and the rest is mere froth: such ardent souls will come here knowing that the world is but vanity of vanities, knowing that everything is useless except the worship of the Lord and the Lord alone. Friends, you have been very kind to allude to an idea of mine, which is to start a centre in the Himalayas, and perhaps I have sufficiently explained why it should be so, why, above all others, this is the spot which I want to select as one of the great centres to teach this universal religion. These mountains are associated with the best memories of our race; if these Himalayas are taken away from the history of religious India, there will be very little left behind. Here, therefore, must be one of those centres, not merely of activity, but more of calmness, of meditation, and of peace; and I hope some day to realise it. I hope also to meet you at other times and have better opportunities of talking to you. For the present, let me thank you again for all the kindness that has been shown to me, and let me take it as not only kindness shown to me in person, but as to one who represents our religion. May it never leave our hearts! May we always remain as pure as we are at the present moment, and as enthusiastic for spirituality as we are just now!” The study of the talks and message of Swami Vivekananda is a very great lesson in how a person in any situation should remain focused on one's goal; a lesson in art of communication so as to take people along with oneself; a lesson in total self-effacement to the extent of calling oneself 'good for nothing' boy; and also a lesson in how while fulfilling one's responsibility one should never forget the One who is everything. Let the 150 th birth anniversary of Swami Vivekananda be a great opportunity for all to enlighten their lives by the study and practice of his message.
Yuva bharati - 6 - November 2011
Prosperous India-17
Values pervade Indian economic systems
P.Kanagasabapathi
ne of the most remarkable aspects of our economy is the pervasive influence of values and ethics in the economic and business systems. It is because the Indians were taught to follow the ethical principles in all their activities of life since the ancient periods. Evidences indicate that our forefathers strongly believed that means were as significant as the ends. The sages and saints of our country emphasized higher values and the scriptures and texts exhorted people to follow them in all their day to day activities, including those that are related to economics and business. Thiruvalluvar allotted an entire chapter entitled 'means of wealth' to advise people as to how the higher ideals should guide them while creating and dealing with wealth. He cautioned people to avoid making wealth through wrongful methods and underlined that earning wealth without human principles would be a disgrace. The ancient Indian texts and teachings of the gurus also emphasized fair business practices. As a result the traders and businessmen were guided by the higher principles. Hence people practiced higher values not only in matters involving ordinary economic transactions between them, but also in activities relating to businesses and trade, where profit making was
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the main purpose of the entire exercise. Ancient India had various types of business organizations. The most common among them being sreni, which was similar to the modern corporate form of organization. There were ru l e s c a l l e d s re n i d h a r m a f o r t h o s e organizations, covering a number of topics including production practices, prices and quality controls. Arthasashtra prescribed clear rules for fair business practices. A large number of traders in western India
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during the eleventh to thirteenth centuries were from the Jain community. The Jainese texts advised their community men 'to follow truthful and peaceful means of earning wealth'. Jineswara Suri, in his Satsthanakaprakarana discussed the code of conduct which the merchants were expected to follow. Records show that the foreign merchants preferred to do business with the Indians for their good character and helpful nature. Writing in the context of western India, Jain writes: “The character and conduct of traders in western India generally receive high acclaim from foreign travelers. Al Idrisi tells us that a large number of Muslim merchants visited N a h r w a r a ( Anahilavada) because the people of the town were ' noteworthy for their excellence of their justice, for keeping up their contracts, and for the beauty of their character', and adds that the people of the region practiced truth and abhorred falsehood. Marco Polo bestows yet more generous praise on the merchants of Lata, …….. He says, 'you must know that these Abraiaman are the best merchants in the world, and the most truthful, for they would not lie for anything on earth,'……. These observations of the foreign travelers may reflect the general ethos of the mercantile community in western India.” The businessmen were advised to follow ethical principles not only in earning money, but also in using them. There was a moral compulsion to distribute wealth for good
purposes and share it with the less privileged, instead of using it only for the self. Rabindranath Tagore noted: “In the old time when commerce was a member of the normal life of man, there ruled the spirit of Laxmi who with her divine touch of humanity saved wealth from the unseemliness of rampant individualism, mean both in motive and method”. It is unfortunate that the social and administrative systems that were put in place to help practicing the traditional value systems were seriously disturbed by the Britishers during their period of domination. As a result the recognition and support required for their effective functioning from the state and the society became scarce. Subsequently India had to lose much of her well established systems during the past two centuries. The state apparatus of independent India had failed to recognize this aspect and rectify the mistakes. But in spite of the severe disturbances to our native economic model, the basic value systems still dominate the economic and business transactions to a reasonable extent. Studies conducted in different parts of the country reveal that higher features such as goodwill, faith, norms and fair practices remain the basis of business transactions across the country. Studies undertaken in the well known textile export centre of Karur in Tamil Nadu showed that even in the high-risk business of finance, funds are advanced by the financiers on the
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basis of faith and goodwill. They do not require documents from the borrowers. A study conducted among the entrepreneurs from the ghee and butter industry in Tamil Nadu showed that they do not enter a locality where already one of their persons operates. Entry of new persons into the businesses are encouraged and facilitated by the existing entrepreneurs. Studies in different places show that the majority communities provide encouragement and support to the people from the mostbackward and scheduled communities for promoting new ventures. It is common to see people coming from different backgrounds - such as castes, region and religion - doing business by sharing norms and practices that are unwritten and common for everyone. Kanagasabapathi notes: “Studies of business practices in different industrial and business centres show the prevalence of higher human values and unwritten norms in the contemporary Indian business systems, especially at the non-corporate sector levels.” Even at the corporate levels where the western systems have a wider sweep, the undercurrents seem to be dictated by the Indian thought process. The competition is not as bad between companies at the top levels, as it exists in the western economies such as the US. Indian businessmen do not prefer to take over the businesses of others in a hostile or secret manner. The corporate sector is increasingly being recognized and appreciated by the west and the rest of the world in the recent years for its
'Indian-ness'. A team of professors from the United States under Peter Cappelli of the Wharton Business School interviewed the senior executives of about hundred largest India based companies to find out how they drove their organizations to higher performance. The researchers found that the approach of the Indian companies were much superior to that of the western corporations and urged the leaders of the western corporate sectors to understand and adapt the managerial approaches followed here. While presenting the reason for the superiority of the Indian approach, they note: “The Indian leadership approach arose from the unique circumstances of the Indian economy and society.” In fact the emergence of Indian economy as a global power during the recent years has been fuelled and facilitated by the values systems prevalent across the country among the people as a whole. References: V.K.Jain in Ranabir Chakravarty, Trade in Early India, Oxford Univeristy, New Delhi, 2001 P.Kanagasabapathi, 'Ethics and Values in Indian economy and business', International Journal of Social Economics, Special Issue on India, Part I Vol.34, Issue 9, 2007 P.Kanagasabapathi, Unorganised finance sector: the engine for economic growth – A study with reference to Karur, Tamil Nadu, Swadeshi Academic Council, 2002 Peter Cappelli and others, 'Leadership Lessons from India', Harvard Business Review, March 2010
Yuva bharati - 9 - November 2011
Communal Violence Bill – A Direct Assault On The States
A.Surya Prakash
The United Progressive Alliance government is readying itself to introduce a Bill to further strengthen the law against communal and targeted violence and to ensure speedy justice and reparations for the victims of communal violence. Though the objective is laudable – to boost the confidence of religious and linguistic minorities in all states and union territories – the first draft of the Bill, which has been prepared by the National Advisory Council (NAC), fails to inspire confidence. Far from promoting religious harmony and ensuring equity and equality among
c i t i z e n s o f a l l denominations, the controversial Bill has many features which are repugnant to the basic structure of the Constitution and is loaded with features which will disturb communal harmony, wreck the federal features of the Constitution, weaken the states and turn the Union Government once again into a bully who can overawe the states with its 'firmans'. It appears as if the Bill has been drafted by persons who are unschooled in Indian Constitutional Law and who are unaware of the big strides that the country has made to promote the federal spirit and to build a liberal and open society. The aim of this Bill - called the Prevention of Communal and Targeted Violence (Access to Justice and Reparations) Bill – is ostensibly to curb communal violence and hatred but it rests on the flawed premise that in all situations the religious majority perpetrates violence on the religious minority. Therefore, members of the majority community in every state are seen as the culprits and members of the minority communities are deemed to be the victims. Such are its provisions that far from promoting communal harmony, it could
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weaken the commitment of the majority to secularism and promotion of a liberal environment all over the country. Here are some of the worrisome provisions: The Bill describes 'Communal and Targeted Violence' in Section 3 ( c ) as “any act or series of acts …… knowingly directed against any person by virtue of his or her membership of any group which destroys the secular fabric of the nation”. The biggest mischief is in the definition of the word “group” that occurs in Section 3(e). It says a “group” means “a religious or linguistic minority, in any State in the Union of India, or Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes within the meaning of clauses (24) and (25) of Article 366 of the Constitution of India”. This means that Hindus, who today constitute the majority in most states and union territories will not constitute a “group” under this law and therefore, will not be able to invoke its provisions, even if they are victims of Muslim or Christian communalism, hatred or violence. Similarly, the Sikhs in Punjab, the Muslims in Jammu and Kashmir and Lakshadweep and Christians in Nagaland, Mizoran and Meghalaya ( where these communities are in a majority) cannot seek relief under this law in these states. The Bill describes a “victim” as a member of a religious minority who has suffered “physical, mental, psychological or monetary harm or harm to his or her property as a result of the commission of any offence under this Act, and includes his or her relatives, legal guardian and legal heirs, wherever appropriate”. Going by this description, a citizen belonging to a “minority” in any part of India, who is aggrieved with a neighbour who belongs to the “majority” over some issue, can turn around and accuse the neighbour of causing him or her “psychological harm”. Further, if the “victim” is not inclined to deploy this mischievous provision, the Bill allows his or her relatives to do so. The Bill's description of “hostile environment against a group” concludes with this omnibus
provision: “any other act, whether or not it amounts to an offence under this Act, that has the purpose or effect of creating an intimidating, hostile or offensive environment”. By implication this means that a “minority” citizen can point a finger at a “majority” citizen at any time and complain that he or she feels “intimidated” or that the environment has become “hostile” to him or her Further, when the Bill accords the “victim” the right to remain Anonymous; imagine the effect of these provisions. Citizens who happen to be members of the “majority” will be hauled up by the police for offences allegedly committed by them, but the accused persons will not know who the complainants are! Section 82 even provides for attachment of property of members of the majority community pending trial . It says: Where the charge has been framed in relation to an offence under this Act, the Designated Judge may direct that the property of the accused person be attached during the pendency of the trial and until conviction or acquittal, as the case may be. The Demographic Reality The Hindus constitute a majority in 28 of the 35 states and union territories in the country and will have to bear the brunt of this Bill's mischievous provisions. But that does not mean that citizens belonging to other denominations are free of bother. Muslims, Christians and Sikhs could also find themselves in trouble because under our Constitution, the state is the unit to determine the issue of majority-minority. As per the religion data in the 2001 census, the Sikhs constitute 59.9 per cent of the population in Punjab, whereas the Hindu population in that state is 36.9 per cent. If this law comes into force, the Sikhs (constituting the majority) will be in a quandary if the “minority” Hindus start using this law to accuse the majority of promoting communal hatred and anti-secular policies. Similarly, Christians, who have an overwhelming majority in three states – Nagaland ( 90 per cent ), Mizoram ( 87 per
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cent) and Meghalaya ( 70.30 per cent ) – will find themselves in deep trouble if the Hindu minority in these states begins to leverage this law and lodge complaints against the religious majority. For similar reasons, the Muslims in Jammu and Kashmir and in Lakshadweep are not going to be very happy with a law of this kind. Therefore, citizens who happen to be Muslims, Christians or Sikhs should not be taken in by the sweeping claim made by the promoters of this Bill because this law does not treat all perpetrators of communal violence and hatred equally. There is yet another anomaly in regard to determining the majority and the minority in some states because of the demographic reality in many states and union territories. For example, there are states like Manipur (46 per cent Hindu) and Arunachal Pradesh (34.60 per cent Hindu) where no religious group has a clear majority. So, who is the “culprit” and who is the “victim” in these states? Further, if you exclude the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes from the Hindu population, what will be the percentage of Hindus in these states. Kerala, with 56.20 per cent, is also a case in point. If you exclude Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (22 per cent approx), what is the percentage of the Hindu “majority” in that state? Also, can this “majority” be seen as the oppressor of the Muslim “minority” (24.70 per cent) or the Christian “minority” (19 per cent). Apart from generating communal strife and pitting religious minorities against the majority in every state and union territory, the Bill incorporates some extremely dangerous provisions which seek to re-impose the “dadagiri” of the Centre on the states and even promote insubordination in the administration in the states. There is also an attempt to introduce some mischievous provisions to classify crimes on communal lines. As stated earlier, this Bill ab initio treats members of a religious minority as “victims” and members of a religious majority as “culprits” in every instance of communal
violence. The other insidious aspect of the proposed law is the attempt to use communal violence as a pretext to usurp the states' rights to maintain law and order and to signal to bureaucrats and policemen in states that the big brother in Delhi is watching you. It is obviously a cunning attempt to re-acquire the unbridled powers which the Centre had exercised under Article 356 of the Constitution before the Supreme Court's verdict in the Bommai Case. The Bommai Judgement and After Prior to the Bommai Case, the Union Government imposed Article 356 with reckless abandon. The Congress Party, which was ill at ease with the growth of regional parties, used this provision regularly to sack duly elected governments and to impose President's Rule in the states. For example from 1950, when the Constitution came into being, to 1994, when the Supreme Court pronounced its judgement in the Bommai Case, Article 356 was used by the Centre on 102 occasions. On most of these occasions (77) the Congress Party was in power at the Centre and just one Prime Minister – Indira Gandhi – used this provision 50 times. The Supreme Court stopped such misuse of Article 356 via the Bommai Case. The court declared that henceforth the proclamation issued under Article 356 would be judicially reviewable and the court would examine whether the proclamation was issued for malafide reasons. It said the court would retain the power to reverse the actions taken by the President if they were found to be malafide. This judgement virtually put an end to misuse of Article 356. The Communal Violence Bill now offers scope for mischief via a backdoor entry of Article 356 as it stood prior to the Bommai Case in the guise of ensuring minority rights. Initially the proponents of the Bill wanted organised communal violence in a state to be classified as “internal disturbance”. Article 355 imposes a duty on the Union Government “to protect every state against external aggression and internal disturbance”.
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Therefore, this was a clever move to snatch away the basic constitutional right of every state to manage Law and Order and to impose central rule. However, following public protests, the NAC has recently announced that this provision has been deleted from the Draft Bill. However, the threat to the independence of state governments is not over because of certain other provisions in the Bill like Sections 9, 13, 14 and 16 pertaining to the bureaucracy and the police in the states and Section 15, which directly targets office-bearers of political parties. Section 13 pertains to dereliction of duty and is so worded that every public servant working in the district or state administration ( with some responsibility in regard to maintenance of law and order) can be hauled up in the event of a communal flare-up. Officials can also be accused of helping or harbouring culprits belonging to the majority community. Section 14 deals with public servants for breach of command responsibility meaning their failure to control the men in their command. In other words, police officers can be prosecuted if men under their control commit an offence or are accused of committing an offence against a religious minority. The law proceeds on the assumption that the officer ought to have known that persons under his command would commit an offence. Encouraging Insubordination in the States But the worst provision is Section 16, which is directly aimed at promoting insubordination in the Police and para military forces deployed in a troubled state. It says “Where an offence has been committed under this Act, the fact that it was committed by a person pursuant to an order of a superior shall not relieve that person of criminal responsibility…………”. In other words, it encourages every policeman to question or challenge his superior right up the line of command and to, if he so believes, disobey his superior. Every policeman will need to worry about how the Union Government (and not the state government)
will view his actions. It is difficult to find a more irresponsible provision in any law. The law proposes for the establishment of a National Authority for Communal Harmony, Justice and Reparation and similar authorities in the states. It empowers the national authority to enter any building and seize any documents, which means it has the authority to intrude into state government offices and even the chambers of chief ministers. Several other provisions also hit at the root of federalism and weaken the states. Equally disgusting is the communal colour that this Bill gives to every major offence. Though the Indian Penal Code deals with all such crimes, this law draws a distinction between rape of a “minority” woman and a “majority” woman and assault of a “minority” person and a “majority” person. The victim acquires an exalted status if he or she belongs to a “minority”. Nowhere in the democratic world does one get to see such communalization of crimes. Finally, politicians belonging to political parties which are not part of the political dispensation at the Centre had better watch out. Section 15, which talks of offences committed by “other superiors” says “Whoever, being any non-state actor or superior or office-bearer of any association……….” The implication of this is that office-bearers of political parties and associations and organisations affiliated to political parties which are ruling a state can be hauled up under this law. This is obviously a provision to enable the Centre to haul up political opponents and their affiliates in the states. The net result is that this Bill will destroy communal harmony, weaken the federal structure and encourage authoritarian trends at the Centre. It must be rejected lock, stock and barrel.
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Communal Violence Bill divides society
Dr.Hilda Raja
least, on reading the so-called Prevention of Communal and Targetted Violence (Access to Justice and Reparations) Bill 2011. I have touched only one aspect, namely, the 'group' and 'the others'. The proposed Bill seems to be drafted by people determined on communalising the nation and ultimately destroying it. It is just not senseless but drafted with malefic intention and purport. The very terminology is misleading, because this is not prevention of communalism but arousing and abetting communalism. Again, why the term 'targetted violence'? It should have been simply violence. It starts thus with assumptions and presumptions that
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s a member of the minority community, I am shocked, to say the
violence is targetted, which means violence is directed against specific targets (read Muslims). This assumes that the perpetrators are non-Muslims. Those who drafted the Bill appear to have had preconceived notions and a hidden agenda that found its expression in it. I would like to question the authority of the National Advisory Council to draft the Bill. Why was an extra-constitutional body engaged in this task? Do we not have the Union Cabinet and the Government advisors to have conducted the exercise? All these are paid by the tax payer's money. Perhaps Team Anna and the likes of Baba Ramdev should join hands in opposing the Bill.
A blatant and arbitrary division of the Indian people into “group” and “others” is made by
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the authors of the Bill, which reveals the mala fide intent. It goes beyond mere appeasement of the minority community and aims at the disintegration of the country. The Muslims and the other minorities are the “group” while the rest are “the others”, and ungrouped. The people, thus, are categorised into two — the victims, which is “the group” and the perpetrators, who are part of the “others”. No civilised country would accept such a blatant miscarriage of law and justice. The Congress has been for long sowing divisive politics in the country, on the basis of region, religion, caste and language. Now, even before any violence happens, the NAC has imagined violence that is directed against the Muslims and Minorities by the “others”. Indian history does not vouch for this assumption. The drafters of the Bill presume that riots and violence are perpetrated by the “others” (read Hindus). This is certainly not always true. According to Ms Zenab Banu's Politics of Communalism: a Politico-historical Analysis of Communal Riots in post-Independence India with Special Reference to the Gujarat and Rajasthan Riots (1989), there have been 74 communal riots between 1953 and 1977, of which 75 per cent were instigated by wayward members of the minority community. Even today, 98 per cent of cross border and/or Indian-born terrorism is planned, instigated and perpetrated by the minority community members. Yet, the Union Minister of Home Affairs, Mr P Chidambaram, repeatedly refers to 'saffrom terror'. The Communal Violence Bill is based on a hate
philosophy, but even in this it is skewed. There have been riots and communal flare-ups in which Hindus have been the victims. The Kashmiri Pundits will vouch for this. The Hindus have been massacred, their homes burned and they have been driven out of the Kashmir Valley. Till date, no justice has been done to the victims. Is it because they belong to the “others”? Violence is violence and criminality is criminality — it cannot change because of the identity of the victim and the perpetrator. These must to be snuffed out and the same penal code must apply. Let us hypothetically envisage that this Prevention of Communal and Targetted Violence Bill is passed and becomes law. Then, several members of the Congress Government, which was in power when the anti-Sikh riots took place in 1984, should be tried and punished because they failed to prevent the butchering of the Sikhs. The authors of the Bill and those who are so enthusiastically promoting it must have a sense of social history. Since they do not, it is important for the Union Government to give up on the dangerous idea. There is tremendous opposition to it from parties across the political spectrum. Even several members of the Congress and its allies are uncomfortable with the draft prepared by the NAC. This was on ample display during a recent all-party meeting the Prime Minister had conveyed to discuss the issue. The draft Bill should be consigned to the dustbin without further delay.
This page is sponsored by Shri Manish Gandhi in the memory of Late Shri Niranjan R.Gandhi
Yuva bharati - 17 - November 2011
Preventing Communal Violence or Sowing Communal Dissension?
R.N.P Singh
Bill, 2011 or the Communal Violence Bill (CVB) made for shocking reading to say the least. If implemented, it is sure to have disastrous consequences for the country. The CVB is primarily characterized by vagueness in how it defines certain key terms, which can be interpreted to mean anything. It appears as if the vagueness is deliberate so that it can be interpreted and used subjectively. Some examples of the said indistinctness can be found in how the terms “group,” “association,” “communal and targeted violence,” “hate propaganda”, and “secular fabric” are defined. Chapter II entitled Offences is stunning for sheer insidiousness. For instance, Clause 6
T
he draft of the proposed Prevention of Communal and Targeted Violence
holds that “this Act shall apply in addition and not in derogation of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989.” This means that a person can be punished for the same offence twice! The Explanation to Clause 9, Chapter II, which holds that communal violence “widespread or systematic nature knowingly directed against a group or part thereof' means the course of conduct involving the multiple or mass commission of acts referred to in this section, whether spontaneously or planned…” The use of the word “spontaneously” is important here: taken to its logical end, this means that an individual (or group) who is attacked without provocation will become guilty for defending himself/herself. This clause also crossreferences the Rome Statue to which India is not a signatory. In addition, the CVB in trying
(Access to Justice and Reparations)
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to bring all public servants under its ambit for “acts of commission and omission,” has provided shoddy definitions to phrases like “dereliction of duty” and “breach of command responsibility.” Clause 14, talking about the breach of command responsibility lays down that a public servant “shall be guilty of the offence of breach of command responsibility, where:- (a) such public servant either knew or ought to have known having regard to the circumstances at the time that the persons under his or her command, control or supervision would commit or be likely to commit such offences.” The phrase “ought to have known” indicates that the said public servants must possess clairvoyance to predict an outbreak of communal violence! Clause 15 holds for example, a higher officer, who might really be innocent, guilty of an offence committed by his subordinate. In summary, Chapter II pretty much brings everybody under the “guilty of offence” ambit on purely arbitrary grounds because nothing is concretely defined. Perhaps the most dangerous of all provisions of the CVB is how it threatens to destroy federalism. One of the provisions of the CVB grants power to the Central Government to intervene at will in the workings of a state where the Constitution clearly states that Law and Order is a State Subject and that the Central Government can at most issue advisories and directions but cannot legislate on law and order issues. It is anybody's guess as to the workings behind this provision: to allow the Central Government to dismiss duly elected State governments by foisting the “communal violence” charge where in the first place—as I've observed earlier—these terms
have at best been vaguely defined. The true nature and character of the CVB reveals itself in Chapter IV, which is titled “National Authority for Communal Harmony, Justice And Reparation.” This is supposed to be a body, which seeks to be constituted by the Central Government to act as a societal/communal conscience keeper of sorts. The Clauses under Chapter IV, if implemented will create a draconian body accountable almost to none. Its manifestly anti-federal in character becomes clear when we examine just some of the powers it wants for itself: · Judicial powers for itself including power to act as a complete judicial court · · Powers to bind and enforce directives to agencies of States Power to search any building, intercept communications (that includes tapping phones), and such other forms of espionage · Using any existing investigation agency for its “investigative” purposes · Intervening in the affairs and conduct of the Armed forces This is truly frightening because it envisages creating a body that is accountable to none, has overarching powers not just in investigation but prosecution, and has powers to invade the privacy of any citizen (the term used in the Bill is “non state actors,” which simply means any ordinary Indian citizen) based on mere suspicion that the citizen is engaged in hate speech or communal violence. The structure, constitution, role, and powers of
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the members are also laid down with great clarity, a clarity that is missing in defining key terms as I recounted earlier. Of particular note is Clause 23, which states that those occupying the highest positions on the “National Authority for Communal Harmony, Justice and Reparation” must have “a record of promoting communal harmony.” Several questions arise: how is communal harmony defined? What are the parameters to decide whether a person has a “record of promoting communal harmony?” Is there a selection process? If yes, what is it and who does the selection? The fact that such a clause has been inserted shows that this entire Bill is a shoddy, self-serving and dangerous exercise perpetrated by self-styled keepers of communal harmony. And it doesn't end there. Sub Clause (1) of Clause 26 brings out the unaccountable nature of this “Authority” very clearly by stating that “No act or proceedings of the National Authority shall be questioned or shall be invalidated merely on the ground of existence of any vacancy or defect in the constitution of the National Authority.” In other words, even if there is a defect on the part of this “Authority,” it's still unquestionable. This demand for unquestioned obedience to authority has no place in a democracy and smacks of Stalinism. Objective (a) of Clause 30 states that one of the objectives of the National Authority is to prevent “any act or acts of communal and targeted violence including its build-up, incitement or outbreak thereof.” The implication of this, like most others in the Bill is sinister. Given the history of communal violence—major or minor—in India over the last few decades, we see that even an innocent act can lead to it. Naturally, this provision begs the question: will people need to be policed
round the clock, all their lives? If yes, how is it different from transforming India into a Police State? Clause 30—33 together confer the National Authority with powers to do the following:
· ·
Arbitrary powers to pry into the lives of private individuals Powers to pick up ordinary citizens for questioning merely on suspicion and without due process
·
Intervene in proceedings of a court that's already hearing a case related to what this Bill terms as “Communal Violence.”
·
Admit as valid information related to “hate speech,” “communal violence” and suchlike from random individuals
But there's still worse to come. Clause 74 is in direct violation of one of the basic principles of judiciary: that a person is innocent unless proven guilty. This clause overturns this sacred judicial principle: it is enough to simply level an allegation against a person that he/she is guilty of inciting communal hatred. Such a person will be presumed to be guilty until proven otherwise. This brings us to the real motive behind envisaging such a dangerous Bill: to permanently put the majority community in the guilty seat. It operates on the assumption that the majority community is always the one to incite communal hatred and engage in violence against minorities. Clause 113 of Chapter VII, which provides “[t]he search for the bodies of those killed or disappeared and assistance in the identification and reburial of
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the bodies in accordance with the cultural practices of the families and communities,” clearly shows the blatantly communal nature of the CVB. In the name of preventing and protecting communal violence, this Bill actually does the opposite. It presumes one community as permanently guilty and the others as permanently innocent. While the whole country is looking towards a bright future based on all round economic development, such draconian Bills seek to drive a wedge between communities and thereby retard development. Ironically, the same people who drafted this grave Bill were the ones who vociferously opposed the POTA
and MCOCA. Those two laws were reserved for terrorists and people who commit deadly crimes against the Indian state but this Bill is sought to be made applicable to even ordinary Indian citizens. I emphasize again that the future of India as a strong power lies in its economic achievement. Mischievous Bills like the Communal Violence Bill will only benefit the likes of those in the National Advisory Council in the short term but will inflict tremendous damage to the nation. It is the interest of every Indian regardless of religion, caste, community or creed to come together and nip this Bill in the bud and work as a unified team to build a strong and vibrant India.
Yuva bharati - 21 - November 2011
Communal violence bill will divide the society
Supreme court judge K.T.Thomas said that this bill would not stand the scrutiny of the Supreme Court as it was not just, fair and reasonable to become a Law as envisaged by Article 21 of the Constitution. Debunking the superficial understanding of the term “secularism”, he said “it transcends religion and is about the individual dignity of the person concerned.”
I
n a seminar organized by Advocates for Dharma, in
This Bill would reverse the process of integration, which had been achieved after the balkanisation the country had suffered during the British rule. It would hit the country's unity and integrity, divide the society and disrupt its harmony. “Hence, this is a Bill intended for disintegration” and “targeted for vote banks”, he alleged. Former Director of the Central Bureau of Investigation Joginder Singh described it as an “absolutely stupid Bill” designed for “vote bank politics”. He wondered why this was not
C h e n n a i r e c e n t l y, F o r m e r
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applicable to Jammu and Kashmir where the problem was acute. In a bid to curry favour from about half-adozen communities, this would be unfair to
harmoniously and that “this Bill is an interference”. This was an attempt to make “criminal law stand on its head”, he observed. He wondered how such a Bill could be conceived and alleged that it was the product of an “evil mind”. It was the failure of the “elite” that had allowed a free run for such evil minds, he lamented. Other speakers alleged this Bill was nothing but “divide and rule” and was a “poison” to the fabric of society and hurt its
most of the communities in the country, he lamented. While asserting that India had never discriminated against the minorities, he reeled out statistics to show how several Muslims held positions of prominence such as that of the P re s i d e n t . “ T h i s B i l l i s m o re appropriate to Pakistan than to India.” S. Gurumurthy, Vice-President of the Dharma Raksha Samiti, said Indian society had already been functioning
pluralism. It was a “motivated” Bill. This was meant to protect a “group” which was flawed in law because all are equal before law. Besides, despite having a number of legislations to protect Scheduled Caste a n d Tr i b e p e o p l e , i t w a s a “camouflage” that they had been clubbed with the “linguistic and religious minorities”. This was a colourable exercise of power.
Our readers can download the draft bill from here: http://nac.nic.in/communal/com_bill.htm please send your responses to [email protected]
Yuva bharati - 23 - November 2011
Sister Nivedita : Who Gave Her All to India-12
The Girls School and the Vision for Indian Women
Anirban Ganguly n an assessment of Sister Nivedita, one of her most celebrated biographer Pravrajika Atmaprana makes a very succinct and deep observation about Sister's contribution to Indian national life. “The greatest work”, wrote Atmaprana, “that Nivedita did for India was to treasure what she got from Swamiji and hand it over to future generations through her writings and lectures. The theme of all her writings, including letters, which run into thousands of pages, is this: Swamiji and India, Swamiji in India, and India as reflected in his mind and heart.” On her part Sister always strove to be the perfect transmitter and conveyor of her Master's words and vision. Her perfect attitude of self-consecration can be most concretely felt through her letter written to Miss Macleod when appreciation of her Master's portrait had reached a crescendo all around, she wrote, “ If you dip into it [the book, The Master as I Saw Him], you recognise Swami, you will give me great happiness. I have worked for others as a hand or a tool, but Swami demanded the whole of my powers, and left me to use them for him. Both kinds of service, all kinds of service are great and good, but this alone is all absorbing, because this alone implies perfect faith.” And this perfection Sister did develop, albeit through struggle and at times bewilderment. But such a tradition was always welcomed in her Master's circle, for he himself, continuously for long years, questioned his Master until the revealed truth was firmly established. The mission of taking up seriously the education of Indian girls was the first task that
I
Sister took up in order to carry out her Master's work. In fact, so passionate was she about the project that she once wrote, “the children whom I came to serve must be reached more largely and enduringly. My place is to train
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EDUCATIONAL MISSIONARIES – and for that, I must have their whole lives in my hand.” She wanted to do more and more actively and bring the fruits of the most progressive and modern education to the doorsteps of Indian women, “but I am only one person and my time, what with school and sanitation and writing, is quite full…” (to Miss Macleod, May 21 1899). She was writing this after the first six months of the women's school that was inaugurated on November 13th 1898 by the Holy Mother herself having the full support of her Master. The process of getting the idea of a school for women passed was itself very interesting. It was in the evening of November 12 1898 that an informal meeting of devotees was held and Sister spoke in English on her idea of starting a school laying stress on the national education for girls. She asked for the daughters of the devotees to be part of this new experiment. When no one present spoke up, the Swami, then sitting behind the devotees, stood up and committed the daughters of one the devotees to the new project, thus sanctioning her first scheme. The Holy Mother came the next day; the sacred day of Kali Puja, and in the presence of the Swami, some other monks and devotees blessed the effort by praying “that the blessings of the Divine Mother might be upon the school, and that the girls it should train be ideal girls.” The response from the locality came gradually and Sister began her first toils in India. She was amazed by the talents that she found in these young ones, these children she wrote “have as much artistic power as any I ever saw. Their brushwork is wonderfully good, considering their chances, and their colour excellent. And how they love sewing and manual occupations!” she saw great promise in them and continued her struggle amidst great adversity. No amount of physical discomfort could sway her resolve or make her
seek respite, “you cannot dream of the heat”, she wrote to Mrs. Bull, “Only 2 loose cotton garments on and I sit here just melting. It must be over 100F. They say such weather was never known. Swami says it's good for him!” Unfoldment of the hidden Potentials of Indian Women, thus, became the first field of Sister's action in India. At every step and on every occasion she grasped the opportunity of reminding Indian women of their defining contributions in the past and of their future potential and mission. Some years later in an open letter to Hindu Women she put forth powerfully and radically her Master's hope in them, “it was his conviction that the future of India depended even more on Indian women than on Indian men. And his faith in us all was immense…Sita was an Indian woman. So was Savitri. Uma, performing austerities to draw Mahadeva to her side, was the picture of Indian woman. Was there any task, he argued, to which women such as these could prove unequal? In all lands, holiness and strength are the treasures which the race places in the hands of the woman to preserve, rather than in those of the man…Today, our country and her Dharma are in a sore plight, and in a special manner he calls on her daughters at this moment to come forward, as those in the ages before to aid her with a great Shraddha...” She ended her letter with the following appeal, “ I beg of you always, - for his sake, who made me his daughter and, therefore, your countrywoman, - to think of me and pray for me as your little sister who loves this beautiful and holy land, and who longs only to be shown h o w t o s e r v e y o u m o re a n d m o re effectively…” The small school at 16 Bosepara Lane was the first attempt to manifest her Master's vision for Indian women and the first symbol of her consecration to them.
This page is sponsored by Smt Ruby Choudhury, in the Memory of Late Sri Jagannath Chowdhry
Yuva bharati - 28 - November 2011
Your Destiny in Your hands -1: Your Destiny in Your hands -1:
A JOURNEY WITHIN . . .
Mukul Kanitkar
curiosity heightened even more. On reaching this village he was further enlightened that there was a colony in which there was a temple because of which the village in the County, the County in the State, State in the Country and the Country in the World was so famous!!!! You know what they say about curiosity and the cat, don't you? Well our friend just rushed to this temple without a moment's delay. He thought to himself there must be an idol in the temple which was responsible for all this fame, the fragrance of which touched every corner of the world. He could just feel, smell the worldwide fame he was about to uncover. Ultimately, he reached this coveted temple. But, the sight that met his eyes disappointed him to the core. The idol was totally covered in layers with turmeric, vermilion, flowers, leaves and all other things the people had used to worship it for centuries. On enquiry neither the priest nor the devotees could inform him the name of the God being worshipped. The reporter was flabbergasted on discovering that the temple which had brought the village, in turn the county, in turn the state and in turn the Country worldwide fame was in such dire conditions that no one even knew its rael identity. Not one to give up easily our friend got down on his knees and started removing the layers of offerings from the idol. Each layer was not only testing his patience but also his tenacity. Yet he continued with his task with full determination and resolve. Uncovering each
nce there was a country which was flourishing. A journalist decided to visit this country and find out the secret of its fortunes. When he reached there he was informed that the country was famous because of a particular State. So, he visited the State. There he was informed the State was famous due to a County. So, our friend decided to visit this county. Once he reached there he came to know that the county because of which the State and in turn the Country was famous had a village to thank for their fame. His
O
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layer when he ultimately reached the end, he was simply stunned. For, there was no idol. There was only a mirror!!!! A MIRROR??????? A Mirror encourages us to not only look at ourselves as we outwardly or physically look to others but also at the inner us. A Mirror instigates us to test ourselves. Who am I? What am I? Why am I? It is not important whether others find us physically beautiful. Good looks, many a times is nothing but skillful application of cosmetics. This is immaterial. What is more important is whether we ourselves find our own self beautiful as a person, a human being? Are we comfortable with our inner self? Are we able to meet our own eyes fearlessly when we stand before the mirror? A Mirror forces us to face a few hard facts, a few home truths about our own inner selves that we might never have the courage to reveal before others. God was, is and always will be inside us. We have to look for Him inside us, in our own being. There is no bigger or greater temple than the human body and soul where God enjoys dwelling. It is for this reason that we should always be truthful to our conscience, our self. Being honest and truthful to our own self is the real obeisance to God. What ultimately is a temple? It is a place where we begin to know, meet and recognize ourselves. The temple may house an idol or a mirror. It is immaterial. The aim is to know your own self. Deity and worship is just an excuse. There was once a laborer in Delhi. He used to slog throughout the day. After lifting and pulling carts weighed down with100 kg bags, he managed to earn around ` 90-100/-per day. In case he was fortunate and got an extra round he earned about ` 20-25/- extra. With this money he managed his entire family's expenses. He paid for the education, books for his children as well as food, shelter and clothing for all of them. He was the only bread earner the family had. However, he had an idol of Goddess Durga enshrined in a corner of his small house. Everyday a small portion of his earnings used to go in an offering box kept near
the idol. If on a given day his earning increased the offering used to be more. His wife always grumbled that when God has everything why do you keep giving her more? This money can easily help the family to fulfill a few of their needs. A few fruits could be bought that the children would enjoy. He always smiled when he heard her and kept on making offerings to the God. The laborer was firm about one thing. In his fatiguing life he had a dream to fulfill. Sagaciously he was saving so that he could take his family to Vaishnodevi. For years together he saved. He worked day and night suffering all kinds of hardships with a smile. Cutting on expenses, ignoring his children's dreams and wishes he saved every penny he could lay his hands on to take his family to Vaishnodevi. Ultimately the day arrived when he had saved enough to afford to take his family to worship the Mother. The family went to Katra and from there began their tedious onwards journey of 14 Kms on foot. Walking miles together on hilly roads the family continued with its journey singing and dancing to chants of 'Jai Mata Di' ringing not only in the sky but also in each and every cell in their body. Whereever one turned one heard only 'Jai Mata Di'. All strangers to each other but with the same dream. People from all walks of life, all ages, some walking, some swaying and some limping, some on ponies yet others in palanquins, the air was thick with faith, conviction, adulation of Her glory. Such was the cadence, tempo of the chants the family did not even realize when they completed their journey. Body tired, dirty, dusty, waned from their laborious journey but with a singing heart the laborer at last reached the doorstep which would take him inside to the Mother's temple. Years of penance, sacrifice, hardwork, hardships, ultimately bore their fruits. With tears of happiness and gratitude in his eyes and music in his heart he stood in a long queue
Yuva bharati - 30 - November 2011
waiting for his turn to go in and worship the Mother to his heart's content. Ultimately, he was standing in front of the Mother. The place was crammed, with no space to even stand properly let alone pay homage to Her. The priest was ushering him out due to the huge crowd of devotees. In the midst of that momentary, fractional meeting with the goddess the laborer closed his eyes and with folded hands and bowed head prayed to the Goddess. The laborer after years of tryst with destiny, adversities, toils, suffering, tribulations came to Vaishnodevi. Why? to worship the Goddess. 14 Kms of arduous, journey over the hill why? to worship the Goddess. Standing in a huge line for hours on end for what? to worship the Goddess. So much effort, such a lot of hardwork…. just to worship the Goddess. Then he ought to have seen her to his heart's
content, why did he close his eyes? We want to worship God. We worship God. Inside in our inner being, in our soul. This reality has been told to us since time immemorial. The Upanishads have it down in black and white, we know it for certain, we follow it day in day out and yet we are amazingly ignorant of the fact. We go to temples to worship God and unconsciously, unthinkingly we close our eyes as soon as we stand in front of the deity's idol. This is because we are in reality searching for Divinity inside us. But, unfortunately our own unawareness, insensitivity keeps us away from enjoying this ecstasy in our life. The moment we even try to perceive the beauty of this intrinsic validity we will understand that temples and places of worship are just a stepping stone to help us start our voyage to discover our own true inner self.
Yuva bharati - 31 - November 2011
Tribute to Smt. Jamkar
Smt.Vimal Jamkar
”O Swamiji, please take me from this mortal world now that, I have had a very purposeful life.” “Aaji, why do you want to go alone? I'll also accompany you on one condition – you should prepare something delicious & take with us so that we can enjoy it on the way to Yamadharmaraja ! “What's that you are talking? At least now when I go to Yama, let me be free. Don't I deserve rest even after 85 years of my life? “Aaji used to shout at me. “Aaji, how do you manage to talk so smart?” I would still try to provoke her. “What do you think of me? I'm wife of an advocate & daughter of a Judge!” She used to say with a twinkle in her eyes. Smt. Vimal G. Jamkar called as Aaji by all, donated her house to Vivekananda Kendra way back in 1980s. Both Shree and Smt Jamkar were impressed by Ma. Eknathji and had great shraddha in Kendra's work, decided to give their whole property to Kendra. Not only they gave their property, but also both of them used to participate in all the activities and encouraged karyakartas. Their Bank accounts also were properly nominated in the name of Kendra. Even in Aaji's illness she was reluctant to use her own funds in bank with the thought that, that was Swamiji's and she was
only the Trustee. Shree Jamkar who was a Police Prosecutor passed away in 1998 and Aaji continued to participate in all Kendra activities. She used to love all the karyakartas. She was friend of all. Everyone who came to Kendra used to go to Aaji first. She would have kept something for each of them and used to be very happy to give it to them. She used to appreciate Sthanik Karyakartas particularly ladies who took care of their own household and also devotedly work for Kendra. She used to read lot of books, took notes and also advised others to read. She was very particular in her work and expected the same from others. On finding some mistake she used to scold left and right. Slowly as she advanced in her age her activities got restricted. In the beginning when Kendra's Nagpur Branch started functioning from her house, a separate portion was given for Kendra activities. Slowly over the years with many other changes in the house, a wall
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between the separated portions was broken and door was made. Slowly we started using whole house. Nobody did mind her scolding when the in between way was used and she also used to enjoy the Karyakartas ignoring her scolding. Now that she is no more, we don't feel like going that way and her absence is felt deeply.
Looking at all the Karyakartas young and old present for her funeral, her relatives expressed,”Today we have seen how big Jamkar Aaji's family is!” Aaji passed away on 2 Aug 2011, after a Paralytic attack and hospitalization for a week.
One vision I see clear as life before me, that the ancient Mother has awakened once more, sitting on her throne –rejuvenated, more glorious than ever. Proclaim Her to all the world with the voice of peace and benediction. Once more the world must be conquered by India. This is the dream of my life… This is the great ideal before us, and every one must be ready for it –the conquest of the whole world by India –nothing less than that, and we must all get ready for it, strain every nerve for it… Each soul is potentially divine. The goal is to manifest this Divinity within, by controlling nature, external and internal. Do this either by work, or worship, or psychic control, or philosophy ---by one or more or all of these ---and be free. This is the whole of religion. Doctrines, or dogmas, or rituals, or books, or temples, or forms, are but secondary details.
Yuva bharati -33 - November 2011
Was Tantya Tope Really Hanged By British in 1857?
The reality revealed by the War documents
Dr.K.M.Rao
Two most important Documents and Letters of Evidence There were some doubts in Major Mead's report regarding the capture of Tantya Tope. He kept these papers safely for the purpose of claiming pension from East-India Company. But in the personal baggage of Raja Paddon new records contrary to the reports of Major have come to light. There was file in his office records particularly about the arrest of Tantya Tape. Two letters in them were of particular importance through which appropriate conclusions can be drawn. One letter Rampratap Singh Dev written two years after the rumoured hanging of Tantya Tope. Another letter was addressed to Raja Mansingh through Pandit Govardhan Rao four years after so called fake hanging of Tantya Tope. Both the letters bear the name 'Sardar'. Tantya Tope was endearingly called as 'Sardar' by his soldiers. Even the bag obtained at Tikmagad contained many letters in which he was addressed as 'Sardar'. In the records of Archaeological Survey of India Major Mead gave a dramatized version in his report regarding the capture of Tantya Tope. But the description of the place given by Mjr.Mead was in reality the address of Paddon house and implicated Raja Mansingh as one who helped him in this regard. The Archaeological Survey of India records of 1857 War show the first report of Major Mead regarding the capture of Tantya Tope. He deliberately 'implicated Raja Mansingh in his report to lend credibility to his story that Raja Mansingh was on his side and was helpful in his attempt to capture him by surprise attack. Two more important letters were also found in these records of A.SJ. One letter was that of Sir Robert Hamilto written on March 18, 1859. The second letter was that of Major R Mead written on 3, April, 1859. The Telegram of Major Mead and its Falsehood Major Mead gave 9 telegrams of lies from the
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camp of Mahodara on April claiming that he has captured Tantya Tope. A letter dated 8th, April, 1859, to that effect was written by him after sending the telegram. The Text of Telegram is given below Verbatim “Tantya Tope captured by the detachment – with Mansingh's assistance – last night – and now a prisoner – and waiting orders – for his disposal” Major Mead Mahodara camp. After this major Mead wrote many letters implicating many names of persons to higher authorities only to substantiate his earlier versions of capturing Tantya Tope when he was sleeping, with the help of Mansingh and his soldiers. But Major Mead's narration to the incident was a fictitious one. He captured somebody else and fabricated a story convincingly. What seemed to have transpired was: Who is that priest who rode away at midnight on a speeding Horse? A careful circumstantial analysis of Major Mead's account casts many doubts on the series of events leading to the capture of Tantya Tope. Raja Mansingh kept a battalion of soldiers with Tantya-Tope and his trusted guards in a secret hide-out. Raja Mansingh used to meet Tantya Tope in that secret hideout to discuss about the raging war all around and its latest development and for planning further attacks. On that fateful day, both of them were discussing seriously about the war till late night and after midnight Tantya Tope slept. Major Mead's alleged narration was that Raja Mansingh surreptitiously led his soldiers into that secret hide out. He captured Tantya Tope himself unaware and overpowered him with bare hands. But Tantya Tope wrestled and got out of his grip with professional ease. In that virtual pandemonium two persons
wriggled out in fast commotion and vanished into darkness on two sturdy waiting horses with lightening speed. Of the two daring horse-riders one was the General Tantya Tope himself and the other was his trusted friends and able accomplice Pandit Govind Rao, a prominent priest –enlisted to accomplish the ordained duty of organizing the miraculous escape of the indomitable General Tantya Tope, unhurt in that scuffle in pitch darkness. The man whom they caught was Narayan Rao Bhagvat and spread the rumour that they have captured Tantya-Tope in a fierce battle. General outram's doubt Attention should be given to another telegram with No.162. This telegram was sent by C.Beadon from Calcutta to Brigadier General Napier at Guna on April 15 1859. A doubt has been expressed regarding this telegram by General Outram whether Tantya Tope was the same Bhavu Tambekar who was formerly the Diwan of Baroda. If this was true, where was Bhavu Tambekar? Conduct an enquiry into this matter. This telegram casts doubt about the identity of the person who was captured as Tantya 'Another telegram was sent long after the execution on 19th April 1859 afternoon with S.No:167 by Captain Halvert to C.Beadon, Secretary to Government, Calcutta. The telegram is given below confirming the execution of Tantya Tope at Sipri. “General Tantya-Tope has been hanged To Death until pronounced dead His identity has been confirmed by the General Himself” Why the Execution was not carried at Guna? After fabricating the story of capturing Tantya Tope at Mahodara Major Mead gave a telegram asking for orders for what further action he should take on Tantya Tope. On April 10th Brigadier General R.Napier wrote to R.Simpson in Calcutta thus: “On Tantya – Tope was captured by Major Mead with the all edged help of Raja
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Mansingh at Mahodara. Until further orders come, what I suggest you are: you conduct the case of the accused with court – Martial procedures. Refer letter No.4146 of GF. Edmonston and proceed through as per Sir R.Hamilton's indictment procedures incorporated on 29th October 1858 Act.” In the light of these instructions from senior Army Officers Major Mead was asked whether it was possible to conduct Court Martial and sentence him to death at Mahodara on April, 12th 1859 a telegram with No.159 was sent by C.Beadon to Brigadier General R.Napier it was clearly said; (the telegram text is given below) “Let the Trial of Tantya Tope by court Martial at Guna. Proceed and let the sentence be carried”. In spite of this official correspondence, the court Martial and death sentence was carried on in a far off place at Sipri on April 18th 1859 and not even in Kanpur where he was an acclaimed General of the armed forces. Apparently the person whom they had captured was some other unknown person as all evidence proves. This fact very clearly was established by Dr.S.N.Sinha of Archaeological Survey of India, U.P. in his doctoral dissertation entitled. “The Revolt of 1857 in Budelkhand” He reiterates: “The hasty trial of Tantya Tope at Sipri has raised a number of doubts. It has already been settled that Tantya Tope would be tried at Guna this decision was confirmed by a telegram of C.Beadon sent from Calcutta on April 12th 1859 which ran “let the trial of Tantya Tope by court Martial at Guna proceed and let the sentence be carried out”. No satisfactory explanation of his not being tried by a regular court is available, which Rao Saheb etc., were tried by regular courts.
Why was no attempt made to bring him to Kanpur or to some other place where people knew him well? Later on some persons suspected as Nana Saheb were brought to Kanpur and a thorough investigation regarding their identity was made and cases against them were dismissed. General Outram doubted Tantya's identity and said that the arrested person was Bhow Tambekar, the late (erstwhile) Minister of Baroda. Long after, during the trial of Rao Saheb in 1862, questions relating to the whereabouts of Tantya Tope were put to him. A similar question was also put to Ramakrishna Pandurang Tope, step brother of Tantya Tope by Lullo Ashram Foujadar even after Tantya Tope has been supposed to be executed. The Drama of Trial of Tantya Tope in the court Tantya's Faked testament of being guilty of treason The trial of Tantya Tope is available in the old records of collectorates of the area. A detailed description of the assembling of the court, the statements of quite a number of witnesses were shown in the court records to establish his trial. No other person was given so much of importance in the proceedings of the court. It was elaborate to the point of being indulgent towards Tantya Tope only to prove his being guilty of treason. An affidavit to the effect that he was making these statements out of his own volition and not out of any compulsion was also recorded as a matter of procedure. He was made to sign these statements for purposes of authentication with official seals of the court. A copy of this is carefully preserved in the Gwalior Museum. Two pictures of Tantya Tope were appended to these records. One picture has not got even a resemblance of resemblance to the real picture of Tantya Tope which was also affixed by its side.
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“Whose picture was it? The picture that was shown in those records was a pencil sketch drawn in a hurry by some army officer. This pencil sketch picture has no resemblance to the known facial features of real Tantya-Tope. According to his family members even the 'signatures' of Tantya Tope attested in these
records were signature. The whole thing appears to be hogwash-the usual baloney of the English. All these well researched facts reveal that the needle of truth point toward one unassailable fact that the English army and its officers were no match to the military ingenuity of Tantya Tope. Inspite of the treachery of the English Army they have failed to defeat him in any of the battle fronts and resorted to ambush him.
It is life to do good, it is death not to do good to others. Ninety per cent of human brutes you see are dead, are ghosts ---for none lives, my boys, but he who loves. Feel, my children, feel; feel for the poor, the ignorant, the downtrodden, feel till the heart stops and the brain reels and you think you will go mad. I call him a traitor who, having been educated, nursed in luxury by the heart's blood of the downtrodden millions of toiling poor, never even takes a thought for them. Where, in what period of history your rich men, noblemen, your priests and potentates took any thought for the poor --the grinding of whose faces is the very lifeblood of their power?
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Obituary
Janam Safal Hoga Re...
S.Shivsankar
Janam Safal Hoga Re Bande Man Mein Raam Basale… as that sonorous, but somehow amazingly melodic voice booms out, we are relieved and reassured that all we need to do to make this life pleasant and purposeful is place the name of Ram in our hearts. What is that magical quality that lightens our heart when we hear that Ram Bhajan? The voice that soothes our hearts or the devotion it inspires or both? Definitely, the voice does have something to do with the way our hearts and souls lighten when we hear it, for it belongs to an unassuming man who entered Mumbai in search of a job in 1961. Fifteen years later, in 1976 he, along with his wife Chitra Singh entered our hearts with their debut album The Unforgettables. Jagjit Singh is a champion – of music, of those who survive on music, through music. For who else but a champion could create an amalgam of beautiful music through the fusion of traditional lyrics with modern sounds, without losing their essence of passion and melody and still be successful. He adapted the music and poetry that was the forte of giants like Begum Akhtar, Malika Pukhraj, Talat Mehmood and Mehdi Hasan to a form that was attractive to a wider audience. He was able to introduce and consistently use modern instruments like guitar and techniques like multi-track recording, and prove that they in fact enhanced the quality of the traditional music. Jagit and Chitra Singh were the first musicians to record an entire album digitally on multitrack recording in India for Beyond Time (1987). He was a man of many affinities and tastes. He loved horses, but he loved his family and friends more. His long-term accompanists Clarence Peterson (guitar) and Narayan
Sheware (percussion) declare their allegiance to a friend and benefactor, who not only created music with them, but also took care of their lives when in need. A friend indeed! He paved a path for many talented others to walk later. He guided many newcomers who are now famous – like Raj Kumar and Indrani Rizvi, and Ghansham Vaswani. Though he came across as a quiet person, who let his music do the talking, his philanthropic bent of mind was widely known and he always lent his voice to many a needy cause whenever possible. Very few know of the sorrows and troubles he faced in his life – his struggle to gain a foothold in the music scene during his early years and the loss of his children in the later years. He drowned all his sorrow in his music. And through that music helped millions of listeners drown their own sorrows. After an illustrious life of music and a star of the musical masses, he left us on Sharad Purnima. His legacy lives on in the hundreds of ghazals, bhajans and folk music he bequeathed us. He brought the devotional hymns of Nanak, Surdas, Kabir, as well as the poetry of Mirza Ghalib, Firaq Gorakhpuri, Ameer Meenai, Sudarshan Fakir, Shiv Batalvi into our living rooms. However, his true achievement lies in refining the tastes of listeners and keeping it still so amidst all the cacophony that goes in the name of music. Thanks to him and a few other musicians, the Bhakti music forms thrive today and have not been crowded by the loud noise that is film music. In fact, the impact of melodious music is so far reaching that film music has imbibed it and turns out soothing music very often. He has thus, helped reaffirm the power of devotion and melody through his melancholic and soulful music.
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Vivekananda Kendra Samachar
NAM is the biggest harvest festival and the most important festival of the state of Kerala and is celebrated with joy and enthusiasm irrespective of caste or community. ONAM is celebrated in the beginning of the month of chingam, the first month of Malayalam calendar (kollavarsham). This corresponds with the month of AugustSeptember according to gregoriam calendar. The word 'ONAM' or “THIRUVONAM” is derived from the Sanskrit word “SHRAVANAM”. Thiruvonam is one among the 27 nakshatras or constellations. Onam festival continues for ten days, starting from the day of Atham and culminating on Thiruvonam. Popularity and presentation of rich culture of the state during the carnival made Onam the National Festival of Kerala in 1961. The festival marks the homecoming of legendary King Mahabali. He is also popularly called 'Maveli and Onathappan'. Mahabali is the son of Virochana and grandson of Prahlad, the devout son of demon King Hiranyakashipu. Mahabali also belonged to the Asura dynasty but was an ardent worshipper of Lord Vishnu. During the reign of King Mahabali, Kerala witnessed its golden era. Everybody in the state was happy and prosperous and king was highly regarded by his subjects. Apart from all his virtues, Mahabali had one shortcoming. He was egoistic. It is believed that on the Thiruvonam day, Lord Vishnu took his fifth avatar as Vamana and sent him to the nether world. However, for all the good deed done by Mahablai, god granted him a boon that he could annually visit his people with whom he was so attached.
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The people of Kerala believe that on the Thiruvonam day King Mahabali visits his subjects and hence the day is marked by feasting and festivities. To welcome their revered King, people lay flower mate (pookalam) and prepare a grand feast (Onasadya). It is a nine course meal consisting of 11 to 13 essential dishes and served on banana leaves and people sit on a mat laid on
the floor to have the meal. It showcase the unity among people.
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Another enchanting feature of Onam is Vallamkali, the snake Boat race, held on the river Pampa. It is a colourful right to watch the decorated boat oared by hundreds of boatmen amidst chanting of songs and cheering by spectators. Pulikkali or kaduvakali is another entertaining performance where the performers take the quire of tigers, painting their bodies yellow with patterns of black and red. Kummattikali is another recreational folk dance performed during Onam. Kaikottikali is an elegant clap dance performed on the occasion of Onam. In this, women sing songs praising the legendary King Mahabali and dance around the pookalam. Thumbi Thullal is another folk dance performed by a group of women who sit in a circle. If we try to find out the meaning and significance behind its celebration we will see that according to legends it is this visit of Mahabali that is celebrated as Onam every year. People make all efforts to celebrate the festival in a grand way and impress upon their dear King that they are happy and wish him well. Onam not only keeps alive memories of a bygone era of peace and prosperity but bring families scattered in distant places to an annual get-together reinforcing the strong family bonds.
Spiritual Retreat
8-14 August 2011, Vivekanandapuram, Kanyakumari All India Spiritual Retreat was organized at Vivekanandapuram, Kanyakumari from 8-14 August 2011. In all 162 participants - Sisters94, Brothers-68 - from 13 states : Assam, West Bengal, Delhi, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala, Tamilnadu, Uttaranchal, Haryana and Punjab participated in this 7 day event. During the Camp, lectures were delivered on Spirituality, Kendra Prarthana, Upanishads, Happiness Analysis, Bhakti Yoga, Story of Vivekananda Rock Memorial, Vivekananda Kendra movement and activities, Purposeful life and Swami Vivekananda’s Sardh Shati Samaroh. Daily thought provoking “Manthan” was conducted on thoughts of Swami Vivekananda wherein the participants exhibited their team coordination, analytical and communicating skills. In all, the Camp was conducted in moderate discipline wherein most of the participants participated with the spirit of learning, sharing and experiencing. Many expressed their desire to contribute in the Vivekananda thought movement and the coming Vivekananda Sardh-Shati Samaroh to best of their present capacities.
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Editorial “The Good for Nothing Boy” of Calcutta! Prosperous India - 17 Communal Violence Bill – A Direct Assault On The States Communal Violence Bill divides society Preventing Communal Violence or Sowing Communal Dissension?
V.Senthil Kumar
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Sister Nivedita : Who Gave Her All to India-12
A Journey within . . .
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Was Tantya Tope Really Hanged By British in 1857? 37
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Yuva bharati - 1 - November 2011
Invocation
Jayatu jayatu süryaà saptalokaikadépaà kiraëaçamitapäpa kleça duùkhasya näçam| aruëakiraëa gamyam ädim ädityamürtià sakala bhuvanavandyaà bhäskaraà taà namämi|| I worship Lord Surya, whom with his rays dispels all sorrows and sins, Who is the light for all the worlds, who is primordial and worshipped by all.
Yuva bharati 2 November 2011 Yuva bharati -- 2 -- September 2011
Editorial
Be friendly………
Be friendly with the deceitful neighbor. Show mercy to the terrorists. Allow undue space to those who give calls for secession. Legitimize the infiltrators. Turn a blind eye to insurgents and if this is not enough, divide the majority community on lines of caste, region and language and oppress them further. This seems to be the Mantra, our inept and spineless government believes in. While falling into a bottomless pit of shame and disgrace every day, our rulers however don't shy away from inventing something new to please their minority vote banks and create havoc in the minds of the hapless majority of this country. The proposed Draconian communal violence bill is one such regressive step which would make one feel that even the Moghul tyrants, were better administrators. The government says that its intention is to safeguard the minorities and scheduled castes /tribes from targeted violence and hatred. This is the very same government which repealed “POTA” overlooking the fact that more than 75ooo civilians were killed due to terrorist activities in the last decade alone. After proving without doubt that the lives of the majority community are of no value or concern to them, now they are intent on making the existence of the majority community more miserable.
Civil society and uncivil polity
The duty of a state is to protect all its citizens irrespective of their religious denominations. This duty is more pronounced for a state which claims itself as a secular one. But unfortunately this proposed bill has all the ingredients to make the majority community into Denizens rather than Citizens. The devious design of excluding scheduled castes/tribes from the majority community, which would please the proselytizing religions, will create more dissensions in the society. This reckless and nebulous bill should be opposed by all Nationalist forces. Never before in our independent India, were the rulers subjected to such ridicule and mockery by common man. Though the mainstream media hides the misdeeds of the ruling party, the present day society is more aware, which is evident from the blogs and social networking sites which cry foul at each and every step of misdemeanor this government indulges in. The civil society has the onus of spreading the awareness among our masses about the lurking danger coming in the guise of this Bill to protect the minorities. V.V.Balasubramanian YB-ET
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Swami Vivekananda on his return to India-8
“The Good for Nothing Boy” of Calcutta!
Nivedita Raghunath Bhide wami Vivekananda had to reply to the welcome at Calcutta, in front of the people where he was born and grew as a boy so his tone was different. Generally though the people feel proud if a boy from there place achieves something, still seeing him in a light as a great preacher etc becomes difficult. (It seems for the expenses of welcome given to Swami Vivekananda, the people of Calcutta arranged public speech of Swami Vivekananda on payment whereas in all other places the expenses were borne by the people.) Swamiji was very nostalgic when he spoke at Calcutta. He started, “One wants to lose the individual in the universal, one renounces, flies off, and tries to cut himself off from all associations of the body of the past, one works hard to forget even that he is a man; yet, in the heart of his heart, there is a soft sound, one string vibrating, one whisper, which tells him, East or West, home is best. Citizens of the capital of this Empire, before you I stand, not as a Sannyasin, no, not even as a preacher, but I come before you the same Calcutta boy to talk to you as I used to do. Ay, I would like to sit in the dust of the streets of this city, and, with the freedom of childhood, open my mind to you, my brothers. Accept, therefore, my heartfelt thanks for this unique word that you have used, "Brother". Yes, I am your brother, and you are my brothers. … Citizens of Calcutta -- my brothers -- I cannot express my gratitude to you for the kindness you have shown, or rather I should not thank you at all, for you are my brothers, you have done only a brother's duty, ay, only a Hindu brother's duty; for
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such family ties, such relationships, such love exist nowhere beyond the bounds of this motherland of ours.” For Swami Vivekananda, Sri Ramakrishna w a s ' Av a t a r v a r i s h t h a y ' t h e g re a t e s t incarnation of God. He used to say that if Sri Ramakrishna wanted, he could have created thousands of Vivekananda from speck of a dust. And yet Swamiji refrained from referring to Sri Ramakrishna each and every place. He was very selective about it. He knew he had to
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spread his message, name was not that important. But there must be one more reason for his being very selective. He was very sensitive that the name of Sri Ramakrishna could be mentioned only if the audience was mature, knowledgeable and elevated enough to revere it. Thus in Calcutta, he was very happy to talk about him and exult in his memory. So, further he continued, “…….Brothers, you have touched another chord in my heart, the deepest of all, and that is the mention of my teacher, my master, my hero, my ideal, my God in life -- Shri Ramakrishna Paramahamsa. If there has been anything achieved by me, by thoughts, or words, or deeds, if from my lips has ever fallen one word that has helped anyone in the world, I lay no claim to it, it was his. But if there have been curses falling from my lips, if there has been hatred coming out of me, it is all mine and not his. All that has been weak has been mine, and all that has been life - giving, strengthening, pure, and holy, has been his inspiration, his words, and he himself. Yes, my friends, the world has yet to know that man. We read in the history of the world about prophets and their lives, and these come down to us through centuries of writings and workings by their disciples. Through thousands of years of chiselling and modelling, the lives of the great prophets of yore come down to us; and yet, in my opinion, not one stands so high in brilliance as that life which I saw with my own eyes, under whose shadow I have lived, at whose feet I have learnt everything -- the life of Ramakrishna Paramahamsa.” Swami Vivekananda would start with words which would appeal to the audience, touch their heart and then he would come to the point of renunciation or sacrifice, working for the country. As audience differed, the words differed, even the style differed but the message remained the same. At Calcutta to enthuse the youth, he calls himself as a 'good for nothing' boy of Calcutta and says that if he could achieve this much, how much more the intelligent strong and energetic men of Calcutta can achieve. It is like Hanuman who after destroying Ravana's favourite garden
told Sita that, 'If an ordinary monkey like me could give such thrashing to Rakshasa, think how much more Sri Rama's army could do which has many great monkeys.' For Karya, a person has to diminish and lower oneself. The whole reply of Swami Vivekananda at Calcutta is marked with utter humility. His address continues, “Arise, awake and stop not till the desired end is reached. Young men of Calcutta, arise, awake, for the time is propitious. Already everything is opening out before us. Be bold and fear not. It is only in our scriptures that this adjective is given unto the Lord -- Abhih, Abhih. We have to become Abhih, fearless, and our task will be done. Arise, awake, for your country needs this tremendous sacrifice. It is the young men that will do it. "The young, the energetic, the strong, the well - built, the intellectual"-- for them is the task. And we have hundreds and thousands of such young men in Calcutta. If, as you say, I have done something, remember that I was that good - for - nothing boy playing in the streets of Calcutta. If I have done so much, how much more will you do! Arise and awake, the world is calling upon you … enthusiasm is only in my motherland. That must come out; therefore arise, young men of Calcutta, with enthusiasm in your blood. Think not that you are poor, that you have no friends. Ay, who ever saw money make the man? It is man that always makes money. The whole world has been made by the energy of man, by the power of enthusiasm, by the power of faith.” As if a tired soul has reached mother's lap or a seeker has reached the destination, Swami Vivekananda felt at Almora. As usual, his prose becomes a poem full of elevating emotions, “This is the land of dreams of our forefathers, in which was born Parvati, the Mother of India. This is the holy land where every ardent soul in India wants to come at the end of its life, and to close the last chapter of its mortal career. On the tops of the mountains of this blessed land, in the depths of its caves, on the banks of its rushing torrents, have been thought out the most wonderful thoughts, a little bit of which has drawn so much admiration even from foreigners, and which have been pronounced by the most competent of judges to
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be incomparable. This is the land which, since my very childhood, I have been dreaming of passing my life in, and as all of you are aware, I have attempted again and again to live here; and although the time was not ripe, and I had work to do and was whirled outside of this holy place, yet it is the hope of my life to end my days somewhere in this Father of Mountains where the Rishis lived, where philosophy was born. Perhaps, my friends, I shall not be able to do it, in the way that I had planned before -- how I wish that silence, that unknownness would be given to me -- yet I sincerely pray and hope, and almost believe, that my last days will be spent here, of all places on earth.” But then even at Almora, the place which Swami Vivekananda sees as the final destination, he again comes to the focus of his message that this land and our Sanatana Dharma have to guide the world. He continues, “Inhabitants of this holy land, accept my gratitude for the kind praise that has fallen from you for my little work in the West. But at the same time, my mind does not want to speak of that, either in the East or in the West. As peak after peak of this Father of Mountains began to appear before my sight, all the propensities to work, that ferment that had been going on in my brain for years, seemed to quiet down, and instead of talking about what had been done and what going to be done, the mind reverted to that one eternal theme which the Himalayas always teach us, that one theme which is reverberating in the very atmosphere of this place, the one theme the murmur of which I hear even now in the rushing whirlpools of its rivers -renunciation! [Sanskrit]--"Everything in this life is fraught with fear. It is renunciation alone that makes one fearless." Yes, this is the land of renunciation. The time will not permit me, and the circumstances are not fitting, to speak to you fully. I shall have to conclude, therefore, by pointing out to you that the Himalayas stand for that renunciation, and the grand lesson we shall ever teach to humanity will be renunciation. As our forefathers used to be attracted towards it in the latter days of their lives, so strong souls from all quarters of this earth, in time to come,
will be attracted to this Father of Mountains, when all this fight between sects and all those differences in dogmas will not be remembered any more, and quarrels between your religion and my religion will have vanished altogether, when mankind will understand that there is but one eternal religion, and that is the perception of the divine within, and the rest is mere froth: such ardent souls will come here knowing that the world is but vanity of vanities, knowing that everything is useless except the worship of the Lord and the Lord alone. Friends, you have been very kind to allude to an idea of mine, which is to start a centre in the Himalayas, and perhaps I have sufficiently explained why it should be so, why, above all others, this is the spot which I want to select as one of the great centres to teach this universal religion. These mountains are associated with the best memories of our race; if these Himalayas are taken away from the history of religious India, there will be very little left behind. Here, therefore, must be one of those centres, not merely of activity, but more of calmness, of meditation, and of peace; and I hope some day to realise it. I hope also to meet you at other times and have better opportunities of talking to you. For the present, let me thank you again for all the kindness that has been shown to me, and let me take it as not only kindness shown to me in person, but as to one who represents our religion. May it never leave our hearts! May we always remain as pure as we are at the present moment, and as enthusiastic for spirituality as we are just now!” The study of the talks and message of Swami Vivekananda is a very great lesson in how a person in any situation should remain focused on one's goal; a lesson in art of communication so as to take people along with oneself; a lesson in total self-effacement to the extent of calling oneself 'good for nothing' boy; and also a lesson in how while fulfilling one's responsibility one should never forget the One who is everything. Let the 150 th birth anniversary of Swami Vivekananda be a great opportunity for all to enlighten their lives by the study and practice of his message.
Yuva bharati - 6 - November 2011
Prosperous India-17
Values pervade Indian economic systems
P.Kanagasabapathi
ne of the most remarkable aspects of our economy is the pervasive influence of values and ethics in the economic and business systems. It is because the Indians were taught to follow the ethical principles in all their activities of life since the ancient periods. Evidences indicate that our forefathers strongly believed that means were as significant as the ends. The sages and saints of our country emphasized higher values and the scriptures and texts exhorted people to follow them in all their day to day activities, including those that are related to economics and business. Thiruvalluvar allotted an entire chapter entitled 'means of wealth' to advise people as to how the higher ideals should guide them while creating and dealing with wealth. He cautioned people to avoid making wealth through wrongful methods and underlined that earning wealth without human principles would be a disgrace. The ancient Indian texts and teachings of the gurus also emphasized fair business practices. As a result the traders and businessmen were guided by the higher principles. Hence people practiced higher values not only in matters involving ordinary economic transactions between them, but also in activities relating to businesses and trade, where profit making was
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the main purpose of the entire exercise. Ancient India had various types of business organizations. The most common among them being sreni, which was similar to the modern corporate form of organization. There were ru l e s c a l l e d s re n i d h a r m a f o r t h o s e organizations, covering a number of topics including production practices, prices and quality controls. Arthasashtra prescribed clear rules for fair business practices. A large number of traders in western India
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during the eleventh to thirteenth centuries were from the Jain community. The Jainese texts advised their community men 'to follow truthful and peaceful means of earning wealth'. Jineswara Suri, in his Satsthanakaprakarana discussed the code of conduct which the merchants were expected to follow. Records show that the foreign merchants preferred to do business with the Indians for their good character and helpful nature. Writing in the context of western India, Jain writes: “The character and conduct of traders in western India generally receive high acclaim from foreign travelers. Al Idrisi tells us that a large number of Muslim merchants visited N a h r w a r a ( Anahilavada) because the people of the town were ' noteworthy for their excellence of their justice, for keeping up their contracts, and for the beauty of their character', and adds that the people of the region practiced truth and abhorred falsehood. Marco Polo bestows yet more generous praise on the merchants of Lata, …….. He says, 'you must know that these Abraiaman are the best merchants in the world, and the most truthful, for they would not lie for anything on earth,'……. These observations of the foreign travelers may reflect the general ethos of the mercantile community in western India.” The businessmen were advised to follow ethical principles not only in earning money, but also in using them. There was a moral compulsion to distribute wealth for good
purposes and share it with the less privileged, instead of using it only for the self. Rabindranath Tagore noted: “In the old time when commerce was a member of the normal life of man, there ruled the spirit of Laxmi who with her divine touch of humanity saved wealth from the unseemliness of rampant individualism, mean both in motive and method”. It is unfortunate that the social and administrative systems that were put in place to help practicing the traditional value systems were seriously disturbed by the Britishers during their period of domination. As a result the recognition and support required for their effective functioning from the state and the society became scarce. Subsequently India had to lose much of her well established systems during the past two centuries. The state apparatus of independent India had failed to recognize this aspect and rectify the mistakes. But in spite of the severe disturbances to our native economic model, the basic value systems still dominate the economic and business transactions to a reasonable extent. Studies conducted in different parts of the country reveal that higher features such as goodwill, faith, norms and fair practices remain the basis of business transactions across the country. Studies undertaken in the well known textile export centre of Karur in Tamil Nadu showed that even in the high-risk business of finance, funds are advanced by the financiers on the
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basis of faith and goodwill. They do not require documents from the borrowers. A study conducted among the entrepreneurs from the ghee and butter industry in Tamil Nadu showed that they do not enter a locality where already one of their persons operates. Entry of new persons into the businesses are encouraged and facilitated by the existing entrepreneurs. Studies in different places show that the majority communities provide encouragement and support to the people from the mostbackward and scheduled communities for promoting new ventures. It is common to see people coming from different backgrounds - such as castes, region and religion - doing business by sharing norms and practices that are unwritten and common for everyone. Kanagasabapathi notes: “Studies of business practices in different industrial and business centres show the prevalence of higher human values and unwritten norms in the contemporary Indian business systems, especially at the non-corporate sector levels.” Even at the corporate levels where the western systems have a wider sweep, the undercurrents seem to be dictated by the Indian thought process. The competition is not as bad between companies at the top levels, as it exists in the western economies such as the US. Indian businessmen do not prefer to take over the businesses of others in a hostile or secret manner. The corporate sector is increasingly being recognized and appreciated by the west and the rest of the world in the recent years for its
'Indian-ness'. A team of professors from the United States under Peter Cappelli of the Wharton Business School interviewed the senior executives of about hundred largest India based companies to find out how they drove their organizations to higher performance. The researchers found that the approach of the Indian companies were much superior to that of the western corporations and urged the leaders of the western corporate sectors to understand and adapt the managerial approaches followed here. While presenting the reason for the superiority of the Indian approach, they note: “The Indian leadership approach arose from the unique circumstances of the Indian economy and society.” In fact the emergence of Indian economy as a global power during the recent years has been fuelled and facilitated by the values systems prevalent across the country among the people as a whole. References: V.K.Jain in Ranabir Chakravarty, Trade in Early India, Oxford Univeristy, New Delhi, 2001 P.Kanagasabapathi, 'Ethics and Values in Indian economy and business', International Journal of Social Economics, Special Issue on India, Part I Vol.34, Issue 9, 2007 P.Kanagasabapathi, Unorganised finance sector: the engine for economic growth – A study with reference to Karur, Tamil Nadu, Swadeshi Academic Council, 2002 Peter Cappelli and others, 'Leadership Lessons from India', Harvard Business Review, March 2010
Yuva bharati - 9 - November 2011
Communal Violence Bill – A Direct Assault On The States
A.Surya Prakash
The United Progressive Alliance government is readying itself to introduce a Bill to further strengthen the law against communal and targeted violence and to ensure speedy justice and reparations for the victims of communal violence. Though the objective is laudable – to boost the confidence of religious and linguistic minorities in all states and union territories – the first draft of the Bill, which has been prepared by the National Advisory Council (NAC), fails to inspire confidence. Far from promoting religious harmony and ensuring equity and equality among
c i t i z e n s o f a l l denominations, the controversial Bill has many features which are repugnant to the basic structure of the Constitution and is loaded with features which will disturb communal harmony, wreck the federal features of the Constitution, weaken the states and turn the Union Government once again into a bully who can overawe the states with its 'firmans'. It appears as if the Bill has been drafted by persons who are unschooled in Indian Constitutional Law and who are unaware of the big strides that the country has made to promote the federal spirit and to build a liberal and open society. The aim of this Bill - called the Prevention of Communal and Targeted Violence (Access to Justice and Reparations) Bill – is ostensibly to curb communal violence and hatred but it rests on the flawed premise that in all situations the religious majority perpetrates violence on the religious minority. Therefore, members of the majority community in every state are seen as the culprits and members of the minority communities are deemed to be the victims. Such are its provisions that far from promoting communal harmony, it could
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weaken the commitment of the majority to secularism and promotion of a liberal environment all over the country. Here are some of the worrisome provisions: The Bill describes 'Communal and Targeted Violence' in Section 3 ( c ) as “any act or series of acts …… knowingly directed against any person by virtue of his or her membership of any group which destroys the secular fabric of the nation”. The biggest mischief is in the definition of the word “group” that occurs in Section 3(e). It says a “group” means “a religious or linguistic minority, in any State in the Union of India, or Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes within the meaning of clauses (24) and (25) of Article 366 of the Constitution of India”. This means that Hindus, who today constitute the majority in most states and union territories will not constitute a “group” under this law and therefore, will not be able to invoke its provisions, even if they are victims of Muslim or Christian communalism, hatred or violence. Similarly, the Sikhs in Punjab, the Muslims in Jammu and Kashmir and Lakshadweep and Christians in Nagaland, Mizoran and Meghalaya ( where these communities are in a majority) cannot seek relief under this law in these states. The Bill describes a “victim” as a member of a religious minority who has suffered “physical, mental, psychological or monetary harm or harm to his or her property as a result of the commission of any offence under this Act, and includes his or her relatives, legal guardian and legal heirs, wherever appropriate”. Going by this description, a citizen belonging to a “minority” in any part of India, who is aggrieved with a neighbour who belongs to the “majority” over some issue, can turn around and accuse the neighbour of causing him or her “psychological harm”. Further, if the “victim” is not inclined to deploy this mischievous provision, the Bill allows his or her relatives to do so. The Bill's description of “hostile environment against a group” concludes with this omnibus
provision: “any other act, whether or not it amounts to an offence under this Act, that has the purpose or effect of creating an intimidating, hostile or offensive environment”. By implication this means that a “minority” citizen can point a finger at a “majority” citizen at any time and complain that he or she feels “intimidated” or that the environment has become “hostile” to him or her Further, when the Bill accords the “victim” the right to remain Anonymous; imagine the effect of these provisions. Citizens who happen to be members of the “majority” will be hauled up by the police for offences allegedly committed by them, but the accused persons will not know who the complainants are! Section 82 even provides for attachment of property of members of the majority community pending trial . It says: Where the charge has been framed in relation to an offence under this Act, the Designated Judge may direct that the property of the accused person be attached during the pendency of the trial and until conviction or acquittal, as the case may be. The Demographic Reality The Hindus constitute a majority in 28 of the 35 states and union territories in the country and will have to bear the brunt of this Bill's mischievous provisions. But that does not mean that citizens belonging to other denominations are free of bother. Muslims, Christians and Sikhs could also find themselves in trouble because under our Constitution, the state is the unit to determine the issue of majority-minority. As per the religion data in the 2001 census, the Sikhs constitute 59.9 per cent of the population in Punjab, whereas the Hindu population in that state is 36.9 per cent. If this law comes into force, the Sikhs (constituting the majority) will be in a quandary if the “minority” Hindus start using this law to accuse the majority of promoting communal hatred and anti-secular policies. Similarly, Christians, who have an overwhelming majority in three states – Nagaland ( 90 per cent ), Mizoram ( 87 per
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cent) and Meghalaya ( 70.30 per cent ) – will find themselves in deep trouble if the Hindu minority in these states begins to leverage this law and lodge complaints against the religious majority. For similar reasons, the Muslims in Jammu and Kashmir and in Lakshadweep are not going to be very happy with a law of this kind. Therefore, citizens who happen to be Muslims, Christians or Sikhs should not be taken in by the sweeping claim made by the promoters of this Bill because this law does not treat all perpetrators of communal violence and hatred equally. There is yet another anomaly in regard to determining the majority and the minority in some states because of the demographic reality in many states and union territories. For example, there are states like Manipur (46 per cent Hindu) and Arunachal Pradesh (34.60 per cent Hindu) where no religious group has a clear majority. So, who is the “culprit” and who is the “victim” in these states? Further, if you exclude the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes from the Hindu population, what will be the percentage of Hindus in these states. Kerala, with 56.20 per cent, is also a case in point. If you exclude Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (22 per cent approx), what is the percentage of the Hindu “majority” in that state? Also, can this “majority” be seen as the oppressor of the Muslim “minority” (24.70 per cent) or the Christian “minority” (19 per cent). Apart from generating communal strife and pitting religious minorities against the majority in every state and union territory, the Bill incorporates some extremely dangerous provisions which seek to re-impose the “dadagiri” of the Centre on the states and even promote insubordination in the administration in the states. There is also an attempt to introduce some mischievous provisions to classify crimes on communal lines. As stated earlier, this Bill ab initio treats members of a religious minority as “victims” and members of a religious majority as “culprits” in every instance of communal
violence. The other insidious aspect of the proposed law is the attempt to use communal violence as a pretext to usurp the states' rights to maintain law and order and to signal to bureaucrats and policemen in states that the big brother in Delhi is watching you. It is obviously a cunning attempt to re-acquire the unbridled powers which the Centre had exercised under Article 356 of the Constitution before the Supreme Court's verdict in the Bommai Case. The Bommai Judgement and After Prior to the Bommai Case, the Union Government imposed Article 356 with reckless abandon. The Congress Party, which was ill at ease with the growth of regional parties, used this provision regularly to sack duly elected governments and to impose President's Rule in the states. For example from 1950, when the Constitution came into being, to 1994, when the Supreme Court pronounced its judgement in the Bommai Case, Article 356 was used by the Centre on 102 occasions. On most of these occasions (77) the Congress Party was in power at the Centre and just one Prime Minister – Indira Gandhi – used this provision 50 times. The Supreme Court stopped such misuse of Article 356 via the Bommai Case. The court declared that henceforth the proclamation issued under Article 356 would be judicially reviewable and the court would examine whether the proclamation was issued for malafide reasons. It said the court would retain the power to reverse the actions taken by the President if they were found to be malafide. This judgement virtually put an end to misuse of Article 356. The Communal Violence Bill now offers scope for mischief via a backdoor entry of Article 356 as it stood prior to the Bommai Case in the guise of ensuring minority rights. Initially the proponents of the Bill wanted organised communal violence in a state to be classified as “internal disturbance”. Article 355 imposes a duty on the Union Government “to protect every state against external aggression and internal disturbance”.
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Therefore, this was a clever move to snatch away the basic constitutional right of every state to manage Law and Order and to impose central rule. However, following public protests, the NAC has recently announced that this provision has been deleted from the Draft Bill. However, the threat to the independence of state governments is not over because of certain other provisions in the Bill like Sections 9, 13, 14 and 16 pertaining to the bureaucracy and the police in the states and Section 15, which directly targets office-bearers of political parties. Section 13 pertains to dereliction of duty and is so worded that every public servant working in the district or state administration ( with some responsibility in regard to maintenance of law and order) can be hauled up in the event of a communal flare-up. Officials can also be accused of helping or harbouring culprits belonging to the majority community. Section 14 deals with public servants for breach of command responsibility meaning their failure to control the men in their command. In other words, police officers can be prosecuted if men under their control commit an offence or are accused of committing an offence against a religious minority. The law proceeds on the assumption that the officer ought to have known that persons under his command would commit an offence. Encouraging Insubordination in the States But the worst provision is Section 16, which is directly aimed at promoting insubordination in the Police and para military forces deployed in a troubled state. It says “Where an offence has been committed under this Act, the fact that it was committed by a person pursuant to an order of a superior shall not relieve that person of criminal responsibility…………”. In other words, it encourages every policeman to question or challenge his superior right up the line of command and to, if he so believes, disobey his superior. Every policeman will need to worry about how the Union Government (and not the state government)
will view his actions. It is difficult to find a more irresponsible provision in any law. The law proposes for the establishment of a National Authority for Communal Harmony, Justice and Reparation and similar authorities in the states. It empowers the national authority to enter any building and seize any documents, which means it has the authority to intrude into state government offices and even the chambers of chief ministers. Several other provisions also hit at the root of federalism and weaken the states. Equally disgusting is the communal colour that this Bill gives to every major offence. Though the Indian Penal Code deals with all such crimes, this law draws a distinction between rape of a “minority” woman and a “majority” woman and assault of a “minority” person and a “majority” person. The victim acquires an exalted status if he or she belongs to a “minority”. Nowhere in the democratic world does one get to see such communalization of crimes. Finally, politicians belonging to political parties which are not part of the political dispensation at the Centre had better watch out. Section 15, which talks of offences committed by “other superiors” says “Whoever, being any non-state actor or superior or office-bearer of any association……….” The implication of this is that office-bearers of political parties and associations and organisations affiliated to political parties which are ruling a state can be hauled up under this law. This is obviously a provision to enable the Centre to haul up political opponents and their affiliates in the states. The net result is that this Bill will destroy communal harmony, weaken the federal structure and encourage authoritarian trends at the Centre. It must be rejected lock, stock and barrel.
Yuva bharati - 15 - November 2011
Communal Violence Bill divides society
Dr.Hilda Raja
least, on reading the so-called Prevention of Communal and Targetted Violence (Access to Justice and Reparations) Bill 2011. I have touched only one aspect, namely, the 'group' and 'the others'. The proposed Bill seems to be drafted by people determined on communalising the nation and ultimately destroying it. It is just not senseless but drafted with malefic intention and purport. The very terminology is misleading, because this is not prevention of communalism but arousing and abetting communalism. Again, why the term 'targetted violence'? It should have been simply violence. It starts thus with assumptions and presumptions that
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s a member of the minority community, I am shocked, to say the
violence is targetted, which means violence is directed against specific targets (read Muslims). This assumes that the perpetrators are non-Muslims. Those who drafted the Bill appear to have had preconceived notions and a hidden agenda that found its expression in it. I would like to question the authority of the National Advisory Council to draft the Bill. Why was an extra-constitutional body engaged in this task? Do we not have the Union Cabinet and the Government advisors to have conducted the exercise? All these are paid by the tax payer's money. Perhaps Team Anna and the likes of Baba Ramdev should join hands in opposing the Bill.
A blatant and arbitrary division of the Indian people into “group” and “others” is made by
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the authors of the Bill, which reveals the mala fide intent. It goes beyond mere appeasement of the minority community and aims at the disintegration of the country. The Muslims and the other minorities are the “group” while the rest are “the others”, and ungrouped. The people, thus, are categorised into two — the victims, which is “the group” and the perpetrators, who are part of the “others”. No civilised country would accept such a blatant miscarriage of law and justice. The Congress has been for long sowing divisive politics in the country, on the basis of region, religion, caste and language. Now, even before any violence happens, the NAC has imagined violence that is directed against the Muslims and Minorities by the “others”. Indian history does not vouch for this assumption. The drafters of the Bill presume that riots and violence are perpetrated by the “others” (read Hindus). This is certainly not always true. According to Ms Zenab Banu's Politics of Communalism: a Politico-historical Analysis of Communal Riots in post-Independence India with Special Reference to the Gujarat and Rajasthan Riots (1989), there have been 74 communal riots between 1953 and 1977, of which 75 per cent were instigated by wayward members of the minority community. Even today, 98 per cent of cross border and/or Indian-born terrorism is planned, instigated and perpetrated by the minority community members. Yet, the Union Minister of Home Affairs, Mr P Chidambaram, repeatedly refers to 'saffrom terror'. The Communal Violence Bill is based on a hate
philosophy, but even in this it is skewed. There have been riots and communal flare-ups in which Hindus have been the victims. The Kashmiri Pundits will vouch for this. The Hindus have been massacred, their homes burned and they have been driven out of the Kashmir Valley. Till date, no justice has been done to the victims. Is it because they belong to the “others”? Violence is violence and criminality is criminality — it cannot change because of the identity of the victim and the perpetrator. These must to be snuffed out and the same penal code must apply. Let us hypothetically envisage that this Prevention of Communal and Targetted Violence Bill is passed and becomes law. Then, several members of the Congress Government, which was in power when the anti-Sikh riots took place in 1984, should be tried and punished because they failed to prevent the butchering of the Sikhs. The authors of the Bill and those who are so enthusiastically promoting it must have a sense of social history. Since they do not, it is important for the Union Government to give up on the dangerous idea. There is tremendous opposition to it from parties across the political spectrum. Even several members of the Congress and its allies are uncomfortable with the draft prepared by the NAC. This was on ample display during a recent all-party meeting the Prime Minister had conveyed to discuss the issue. The draft Bill should be consigned to the dustbin without further delay.
This page is sponsored by Shri Manish Gandhi in the memory of Late Shri Niranjan R.Gandhi
Yuva bharati - 17 - November 2011
Preventing Communal Violence or Sowing Communal Dissension?
R.N.P Singh
Bill, 2011 or the Communal Violence Bill (CVB) made for shocking reading to say the least. If implemented, it is sure to have disastrous consequences for the country. The CVB is primarily characterized by vagueness in how it defines certain key terms, which can be interpreted to mean anything. It appears as if the vagueness is deliberate so that it can be interpreted and used subjectively. Some examples of the said indistinctness can be found in how the terms “group,” “association,” “communal and targeted violence,” “hate propaganda”, and “secular fabric” are defined. Chapter II entitled Offences is stunning for sheer insidiousness. For instance, Clause 6
T
he draft of the proposed Prevention of Communal and Targeted Violence
holds that “this Act shall apply in addition and not in derogation of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989.” This means that a person can be punished for the same offence twice! The Explanation to Clause 9, Chapter II, which holds that communal violence “widespread or systematic nature knowingly directed against a group or part thereof' means the course of conduct involving the multiple or mass commission of acts referred to in this section, whether spontaneously or planned…” The use of the word “spontaneously” is important here: taken to its logical end, this means that an individual (or group) who is attacked without provocation will become guilty for defending himself/herself. This clause also crossreferences the Rome Statue to which India is not a signatory. In addition, the CVB in trying
(Access to Justice and Reparations)
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to bring all public servants under its ambit for “acts of commission and omission,” has provided shoddy definitions to phrases like “dereliction of duty” and “breach of command responsibility.” Clause 14, talking about the breach of command responsibility lays down that a public servant “shall be guilty of the offence of breach of command responsibility, where:- (a) such public servant either knew or ought to have known having regard to the circumstances at the time that the persons under his or her command, control or supervision would commit or be likely to commit such offences.” The phrase “ought to have known” indicates that the said public servants must possess clairvoyance to predict an outbreak of communal violence! Clause 15 holds for example, a higher officer, who might really be innocent, guilty of an offence committed by his subordinate. In summary, Chapter II pretty much brings everybody under the “guilty of offence” ambit on purely arbitrary grounds because nothing is concretely defined. Perhaps the most dangerous of all provisions of the CVB is how it threatens to destroy federalism. One of the provisions of the CVB grants power to the Central Government to intervene at will in the workings of a state where the Constitution clearly states that Law and Order is a State Subject and that the Central Government can at most issue advisories and directions but cannot legislate on law and order issues. It is anybody's guess as to the workings behind this provision: to allow the Central Government to dismiss duly elected State governments by foisting the “communal violence” charge where in the first place—as I've observed earlier—these terms
have at best been vaguely defined. The true nature and character of the CVB reveals itself in Chapter IV, which is titled “National Authority for Communal Harmony, Justice And Reparation.” This is supposed to be a body, which seeks to be constituted by the Central Government to act as a societal/communal conscience keeper of sorts. The Clauses under Chapter IV, if implemented will create a draconian body accountable almost to none. Its manifestly anti-federal in character becomes clear when we examine just some of the powers it wants for itself: · Judicial powers for itself including power to act as a complete judicial court · · Powers to bind and enforce directives to agencies of States Power to search any building, intercept communications (that includes tapping phones), and such other forms of espionage · Using any existing investigation agency for its “investigative” purposes · Intervening in the affairs and conduct of the Armed forces This is truly frightening because it envisages creating a body that is accountable to none, has overarching powers not just in investigation but prosecution, and has powers to invade the privacy of any citizen (the term used in the Bill is “non state actors,” which simply means any ordinary Indian citizen) based on mere suspicion that the citizen is engaged in hate speech or communal violence. The structure, constitution, role, and powers of
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the members are also laid down with great clarity, a clarity that is missing in defining key terms as I recounted earlier. Of particular note is Clause 23, which states that those occupying the highest positions on the “National Authority for Communal Harmony, Justice and Reparation” must have “a record of promoting communal harmony.” Several questions arise: how is communal harmony defined? What are the parameters to decide whether a person has a “record of promoting communal harmony?” Is there a selection process? If yes, what is it and who does the selection? The fact that such a clause has been inserted shows that this entire Bill is a shoddy, self-serving and dangerous exercise perpetrated by self-styled keepers of communal harmony. And it doesn't end there. Sub Clause (1) of Clause 26 brings out the unaccountable nature of this “Authority” very clearly by stating that “No act or proceedings of the National Authority shall be questioned or shall be invalidated merely on the ground of existence of any vacancy or defect in the constitution of the National Authority.” In other words, even if there is a defect on the part of this “Authority,” it's still unquestionable. This demand for unquestioned obedience to authority has no place in a democracy and smacks of Stalinism. Objective (a) of Clause 30 states that one of the objectives of the National Authority is to prevent “any act or acts of communal and targeted violence including its build-up, incitement or outbreak thereof.” The implication of this, like most others in the Bill is sinister. Given the history of communal violence—major or minor—in India over the last few decades, we see that even an innocent act can lead to it. Naturally, this provision begs the question: will people need to be policed
round the clock, all their lives? If yes, how is it different from transforming India into a Police State? Clause 30—33 together confer the National Authority with powers to do the following:
· ·
Arbitrary powers to pry into the lives of private individuals Powers to pick up ordinary citizens for questioning merely on suspicion and without due process
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Intervene in proceedings of a court that's already hearing a case related to what this Bill terms as “Communal Violence.”
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Admit as valid information related to “hate speech,” “communal violence” and suchlike from random individuals
But there's still worse to come. Clause 74 is in direct violation of one of the basic principles of judiciary: that a person is innocent unless proven guilty. This clause overturns this sacred judicial principle: it is enough to simply level an allegation against a person that he/she is guilty of inciting communal hatred. Such a person will be presumed to be guilty until proven otherwise. This brings us to the real motive behind envisaging such a dangerous Bill: to permanently put the majority community in the guilty seat. It operates on the assumption that the majority community is always the one to incite communal hatred and engage in violence against minorities. Clause 113 of Chapter VII, which provides “[t]he search for the bodies of those killed or disappeared and assistance in the identification and reburial of
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the bodies in accordance with the cultural practices of the families and communities,” clearly shows the blatantly communal nature of the CVB. In the name of preventing and protecting communal violence, this Bill actually does the opposite. It presumes one community as permanently guilty and the others as permanently innocent. While the whole country is looking towards a bright future based on all round economic development, such draconian Bills seek to drive a wedge between communities and thereby retard development. Ironically, the same people who drafted this grave Bill were the ones who vociferously opposed the POTA
and MCOCA. Those two laws were reserved for terrorists and people who commit deadly crimes against the Indian state but this Bill is sought to be made applicable to even ordinary Indian citizens. I emphasize again that the future of India as a strong power lies in its economic achievement. Mischievous Bills like the Communal Violence Bill will only benefit the likes of those in the National Advisory Council in the short term but will inflict tremendous damage to the nation. It is the interest of every Indian regardless of religion, caste, community or creed to come together and nip this Bill in the bud and work as a unified team to build a strong and vibrant India.
Yuva bharati - 21 - November 2011
Communal violence bill will divide the society
Supreme court judge K.T.Thomas said that this bill would not stand the scrutiny of the Supreme Court as it was not just, fair and reasonable to become a Law as envisaged by Article 21 of the Constitution. Debunking the superficial understanding of the term “secularism”, he said “it transcends religion and is about the individual dignity of the person concerned.”
I
n a seminar organized by Advocates for Dharma, in
This Bill would reverse the process of integration, which had been achieved after the balkanisation the country had suffered during the British rule. It would hit the country's unity and integrity, divide the society and disrupt its harmony. “Hence, this is a Bill intended for disintegration” and “targeted for vote banks”, he alleged. Former Director of the Central Bureau of Investigation Joginder Singh described it as an “absolutely stupid Bill” designed for “vote bank politics”. He wondered why this was not
C h e n n a i r e c e n t l y, F o r m e r
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applicable to Jammu and Kashmir where the problem was acute. In a bid to curry favour from about half-adozen communities, this would be unfair to
harmoniously and that “this Bill is an interference”. This was an attempt to make “criminal law stand on its head”, he observed. He wondered how such a Bill could be conceived and alleged that it was the product of an “evil mind”. It was the failure of the “elite” that had allowed a free run for such evil minds, he lamented. Other speakers alleged this Bill was nothing but “divide and rule” and was a “poison” to the fabric of society and hurt its
most of the communities in the country, he lamented. While asserting that India had never discriminated against the minorities, he reeled out statistics to show how several Muslims held positions of prominence such as that of the P re s i d e n t . “ T h i s B i l l i s m o re appropriate to Pakistan than to India.” S. Gurumurthy, Vice-President of the Dharma Raksha Samiti, said Indian society had already been functioning
pluralism. It was a “motivated” Bill. This was meant to protect a “group” which was flawed in law because all are equal before law. Besides, despite having a number of legislations to protect Scheduled Caste a n d Tr i b e p e o p l e , i t w a s a “camouflage” that they had been clubbed with the “linguistic and religious minorities”. This was a colourable exercise of power.
Our readers can download the draft bill from here: http://nac.nic.in/communal/com_bill.htm please send your responses to [email protected]
Yuva bharati - 23 - November 2011
Sister Nivedita : Who Gave Her All to India-12
The Girls School and the Vision for Indian Women
Anirban Ganguly n an assessment of Sister Nivedita, one of her most celebrated biographer Pravrajika Atmaprana makes a very succinct and deep observation about Sister's contribution to Indian national life. “The greatest work”, wrote Atmaprana, “that Nivedita did for India was to treasure what she got from Swamiji and hand it over to future generations through her writings and lectures. The theme of all her writings, including letters, which run into thousands of pages, is this: Swamiji and India, Swamiji in India, and India as reflected in his mind and heart.” On her part Sister always strove to be the perfect transmitter and conveyor of her Master's words and vision. Her perfect attitude of self-consecration can be most concretely felt through her letter written to Miss Macleod when appreciation of her Master's portrait had reached a crescendo all around, she wrote, “ If you dip into it [the book, The Master as I Saw Him], you recognise Swami, you will give me great happiness. I have worked for others as a hand or a tool, but Swami demanded the whole of my powers, and left me to use them for him. Both kinds of service, all kinds of service are great and good, but this alone is all absorbing, because this alone implies perfect faith.” And this perfection Sister did develop, albeit through struggle and at times bewilderment. But such a tradition was always welcomed in her Master's circle, for he himself, continuously for long years, questioned his Master until the revealed truth was firmly established. The mission of taking up seriously the education of Indian girls was the first task that
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Sister took up in order to carry out her Master's work. In fact, so passionate was she about the project that she once wrote, “the children whom I came to serve must be reached more largely and enduringly. My place is to train
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EDUCATIONAL MISSIONARIES – and for that, I must have their whole lives in my hand.” She wanted to do more and more actively and bring the fruits of the most progressive and modern education to the doorsteps of Indian women, “but I am only one person and my time, what with school and sanitation and writing, is quite full…” (to Miss Macleod, May 21 1899). She was writing this after the first six months of the women's school that was inaugurated on November 13th 1898 by the Holy Mother herself having the full support of her Master. The process of getting the idea of a school for women passed was itself very interesting. It was in the evening of November 12 1898 that an informal meeting of devotees was held and Sister spoke in English on her idea of starting a school laying stress on the national education for girls. She asked for the daughters of the devotees to be part of this new experiment. When no one present spoke up, the Swami, then sitting behind the devotees, stood up and committed the daughters of one the devotees to the new project, thus sanctioning her first scheme. The Holy Mother came the next day; the sacred day of Kali Puja, and in the presence of the Swami, some other monks and devotees blessed the effort by praying “that the blessings of the Divine Mother might be upon the school, and that the girls it should train be ideal girls.” The response from the locality came gradually and Sister began her first toils in India. She was amazed by the talents that she found in these young ones, these children she wrote “have as much artistic power as any I ever saw. Their brushwork is wonderfully good, considering their chances, and their colour excellent. And how they love sewing and manual occupations!” she saw great promise in them and continued her struggle amidst great adversity. No amount of physical discomfort could sway her resolve or make her
seek respite, “you cannot dream of the heat”, she wrote to Mrs. Bull, “Only 2 loose cotton garments on and I sit here just melting. It must be over 100F. They say such weather was never known. Swami says it's good for him!” Unfoldment of the hidden Potentials of Indian Women, thus, became the first field of Sister's action in India. At every step and on every occasion she grasped the opportunity of reminding Indian women of their defining contributions in the past and of their future potential and mission. Some years later in an open letter to Hindu Women she put forth powerfully and radically her Master's hope in them, “it was his conviction that the future of India depended even more on Indian women than on Indian men. And his faith in us all was immense…Sita was an Indian woman. So was Savitri. Uma, performing austerities to draw Mahadeva to her side, was the picture of Indian woman. Was there any task, he argued, to which women such as these could prove unequal? In all lands, holiness and strength are the treasures which the race places in the hands of the woman to preserve, rather than in those of the man…Today, our country and her Dharma are in a sore plight, and in a special manner he calls on her daughters at this moment to come forward, as those in the ages before to aid her with a great Shraddha...” She ended her letter with the following appeal, “ I beg of you always, - for his sake, who made me his daughter and, therefore, your countrywoman, - to think of me and pray for me as your little sister who loves this beautiful and holy land, and who longs only to be shown h o w t o s e r v e y o u m o re a n d m o re effectively…” The small school at 16 Bosepara Lane was the first attempt to manifest her Master's vision for Indian women and the first symbol of her consecration to them.
This page is sponsored by Smt Ruby Choudhury, in the Memory of Late Sri Jagannath Chowdhry
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Your Destiny in Your hands -1: Your Destiny in Your hands -1:
A JOURNEY WITHIN . . .
Mukul Kanitkar
curiosity heightened even more. On reaching this village he was further enlightened that there was a colony in which there was a temple because of which the village in the County, the County in the State, State in the Country and the Country in the World was so famous!!!! You know what they say about curiosity and the cat, don't you? Well our friend just rushed to this temple without a moment's delay. He thought to himself there must be an idol in the temple which was responsible for all this fame, the fragrance of which touched every corner of the world. He could just feel, smell the worldwide fame he was about to uncover. Ultimately, he reached this coveted temple. But, the sight that met his eyes disappointed him to the core. The idol was totally covered in layers with turmeric, vermilion, flowers, leaves and all other things the people had used to worship it for centuries. On enquiry neither the priest nor the devotees could inform him the name of the God being worshipped. The reporter was flabbergasted on discovering that the temple which had brought the village, in turn the county, in turn the state and in turn the Country worldwide fame was in such dire conditions that no one even knew its rael identity. Not one to give up easily our friend got down on his knees and started removing the layers of offerings from the idol. Each layer was not only testing his patience but also his tenacity. Yet he continued with his task with full determination and resolve. Uncovering each
nce there was a country which was flourishing. A journalist decided to visit this country and find out the secret of its fortunes. When he reached there he was informed that the country was famous because of a particular State. So, he visited the State. There he was informed the State was famous due to a County. So, our friend decided to visit this county. Once he reached there he came to know that the county because of which the State and in turn the Country was famous had a village to thank for their fame. His
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layer when he ultimately reached the end, he was simply stunned. For, there was no idol. There was only a mirror!!!! A MIRROR??????? A Mirror encourages us to not only look at ourselves as we outwardly or physically look to others but also at the inner us. A Mirror instigates us to test ourselves. Who am I? What am I? Why am I? It is not important whether others find us physically beautiful. Good looks, many a times is nothing but skillful application of cosmetics. This is immaterial. What is more important is whether we ourselves find our own self beautiful as a person, a human being? Are we comfortable with our inner self? Are we able to meet our own eyes fearlessly when we stand before the mirror? A Mirror forces us to face a few hard facts, a few home truths about our own inner selves that we might never have the courage to reveal before others. God was, is and always will be inside us. We have to look for Him inside us, in our own being. There is no bigger or greater temple than the human body and soul where God enjoys dwelling. It is for this reason that we should always be truthful to our conscience, our self. Being honest and truthful to our own self is the real obeisance to God. What ultimately is a temple? It is a place where we begin to know, meet and recognize ourselves. The temple may house an idol or a mirror. It is immaterial. The aim is to know your own self. Deity and worship is just an excuse. There was once a laborer in Delhi. He used to slog throughout the day. After lifting and pulling carts weighed down with100 kg bags, he managed to earn around ` 90-100/-per day. In case he was fortunate and got an extra round he earned about ` 20-25/- extra. With this money he managed his entire family's expenses. He paid for the education, books for his children as well as food, shelter and clothing for all of them. He was the only bread earner the family had. However, he had an idol of Goddess Durga enshrined in a corner of his small house. Everyday a small portion of his earnings used to go in an offering box kept near
the idol. If on a given day his earning increased the offering used to be more. His wife always grumbled that when God has everything why do you keep giving her more? This money can easily help the family to fulfill a few of their needs. A few fruits could be bought that the children would enjoy. He always smiled when he heard her and kept on making offerings to the God. The laborer was firm about one thing. In his fatiguing life he had a dream to fulfill. Sagaciously he was saving so that he could take his family to Vaishnodevi. For years together he saved. He worked day and night suffering all kinds of hardships with a smile. Cutting on expenses, ignoring his children's dreams and wishes he saved every penny he could lay his hands on to take his family to Vaishnodevi. Ultimately the day arrived when he had saved enough to afford to take his family to worship the Mother. The family went to Katra and from there began their tedious onwards journey of 14 Kms on foot. Walking miles together on hilly roads the family continued with its journey singing and dancing to chants of 'Jai Mata Di' ringing not only in the sky but also in each and every cell in their body. Whereever one turned one heard only 'Jai Mata Di'. All strangers to each other but with the same dream. People from all walks of life, all ages, some walking, some swaying and some limping, some on ponies yet others in palanquins, the air was thick with faith, conviction, adulation of Her glory. Such was the cadence, tempo of the chants the family did not even realize when they completed their journey. Body tired, dirty, dusty, waned from their laborious journey but with a singing heart the laborer at last reached the doorstep which would take him inside to the Mother's temple. Years of penance, sacrifice, hardwork, hardships, ultimately bore their fruits. With tears of happiness and gratitude in his eyes and music in his heart he stood in a long queue
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waiting for his turn to go in and worship the Mother to his heart's content. Ultimately, he was standing in front of the Mother. The place was crammed, with no space to even stand properly let alone pay homage to Her. The priest was ushering him out due to the huge crowd of devotees. In the midst of that momentary, fractional meeting with the goddess the laborer closed his eyes and with folded hands and bowed head prayed to the Goddess. The laborer after years of tryst with destiny, adversities, toils, suffering, tribulations came to Vaishnodevi. Why? to worship the Goddess. 14 Kms of arduous, journey over the hill why? to worship the Goddess. Standing in a huge line for hours on end for what? to worship the Goddess. So much effort, such a lot of hardwork…. just to worship the Goddess. Then he ought to have seen her to his heart's
content, why did he close his eyes? We want to worship God. We worship God. Inside in our inner being, in our soul. This reality has been told to us since time immemorial. The Upanishads have it down in black and white, we know it for certain, we follow it day in day out and yet we are amazingly ignorant of the fact. We go to temples to worship God and unconsciously, unthinkingly we close our eyes as soon as we stand in front of the deity's idol. This is because we are in reality searching for Divinity inside us. But, unfortunately our own unawareness, insensitivity keeps us away from enjoying this ecstasy in our life. The moment we even try to perceive the beauty of this intrinsic validity we will understand that temples and places of worship are just a stepping stone to help us start our voyage to discover our own true inner self.
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Tribute to Smt. Jamkar
Smt.Vimal Jamkar
”O Swamiji, please take me from this mortal world now that, I have had a very purposeful life.” “Aaji, why do you want to go alone? I'll also accompany you on one condition – you should prepare something delicious & take with us so that we can enjoy it on the way to Yamadharmaraja ! “What's that you are talking? At least now when I go to Yama, let me be free. Don't I deserve rest even after 85 years of my life? “Aaji used to shout at me. “Aaji, how do you manage to talk so smart?” I would still try to provoke her. “What do you think of me? I'm wife of an advocate & daughter of a Judge!” She used to say with a twinkle in her eyes. Smt. Vimal G. Jamkar called as Aaji by all, donated her house to Vivekananda Kendra way back in 1980s. Both Shree and Smt Jamkar were impressed by Ma. Eknathji and had great shraddha in Kendra's work, decided to give their whole property to Kendra. Not only they gave their property, but also both of them used to participate in all the activities and encouraged karyakartas. Their Bank accounts also were properly nominated in the name of Kendra. Even in Aaji's illness she was reluctant to use her own funds in bank with the thought that, that was Swamiji's and she was
only the Trustee. Shree Jamkar who was a Police Prosecutor passed away in 1998 and Aaji continued to participate in all Kendra activities. She used to love all the karyakartas. She was friend of all. Everyone who came to Kendra used to go to Aaji first. She would have kept something for each of them and used to be very happy to give it to them. She used to appreciate Sthanik Karyakartas particularly ladies who took care of their own household and also devotedly work for Kendra. She used to read lot of books, took notes and also advised others to read. She was very particular in her work and expected the same from others. On finding some mistake she used to scold left and right. Slowly as she advanced in her age her activities got restricted. In the beginning when Kendra's Nagpur Branch started functioning from her house, a separate portion was given for Kendra activities. Slowly over the years with many other changes in the house, a wall
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between the separated portions was broken and door was made. Slowly we started using whole house. Nobody did mind her scolding when the in between way was used and she also used to enjoy the Karyakartas ignoring her scolding. Now that she is no more, we don't feel like going that way and her absence is felt deeply.
Looking at all the Karyakartas young and old present for her funeral, her relatives expressed,”Today we have seen how big Jamkar Aaji's family is!” Aaji passed away on 2 Aug 2011, after a Paralytic attack and hospitalization for a week.
One vision I see clear as life before me, that the ancient Mother has awakened once more, sitting on her throne –rejuvenated, more glorious than ever. Proclaim Her to all the world with the voice of peace and benediction. Once more the world must be conquered by India. This is the dream of my life… This is the great ideal before us, and every one must be ready for it –the conquest of the whole world by India –nothing less than that, and we must all get ready for it, strain every nerve for it… Each soul is potentially divine. The goal is to manifest this Divinity within, by controlling nature, external and internal. Do this either by work, or worship, or psychic control, or philosophy ---by one or more or all of these ---and be free. This is the whole of religion. Doctrines, or dogmas, or rituals, or books, or temples, or forms, are but secondary details.
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Was Tantya Tope Really Hanged By British in 1857?
The reality revealed by the War documents
Dr.K.M.Rao
Two most important Documents and Letters of Evidence There were some doubts in Major Mead's report regarding the capture of Tantya Tope. He kept these papers safely for the purpose of claiming pension from East-India Company. But in the personal baggage of Raja Paddon new records contrary to the reports of Major have come to light. There was file in his office records particularly about the arrest of Tantya Tape. Two letters in them were of particular importance through which appropriate conclusions can be drawn. One letter Rampratap Singh Dev written two years after the rumoured hanging of Tantya Tope. Another letter was addressed to Raja Mansingh through Pandit Govardhan Rao four years after so called fake hanging of Tantya Tope. Both the letters bear the name 'Sardar'. Tantya Tope was endearingly called as 'Sardar' by his soldiers. Even the bag obtained at Tikmagad contained many letters in which he was addressed as 'Sardar'. In the records of Archaeological Survey of India Major Mead gave a dramatized version in his report regarding the capture of Tantya Tope. But the description of the place given by Mjr.Mead was in reality the address of Paddon house and implicated Raja Mansingh as one who helped him in this regard. The Archaeological Survey of India records of 1857 War show the first report of Major Mead regarding the capture of Tantya Tope. He deliberately 'implicated Raja Mansingh in his report to lend credibility to his story that Raja Mansingh was on his side and was helpful in his attempt to capture him by surprise attack. Two more important letters were also found in these records of A.SJ. One letter was that of Sir Robert Hamilto written on March 18, 1859. The second letter was that of Major R Mead written on 3, April, 1859. The Telegram of Major Mead and its Falsehood Major Mead gave 9 telegrams of lies from the
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camp of Mahodara on April claiming that he has captured Tantya Tope. A letter dated 8th, April, 1859, to that effect was written by him after sending the telegram. The Text of Telegram is given below Verbatim “Tantya Tope captured by the detachment – with Mansingh's assistance – last night – and now a prisoner – and waiting orders – for his disposal” Major Mead Mahodara camp. After this major Mead wrote many letters implicating many names of persons to higher authorities only to substantiate his earlier versions of capturing Tantya Tope when he was sleeping, with the help of Mansingh and his soldiers. But Major Mead's narration to the incident was a fictitious one. He captured somebody else and fabricated a story convincingly. What seemed to have transpired was: Who is that priest who rode away at midnight on a speeding Horse? A careful circumstantial analysis of Major Mead's account casts many doubts on the series of events leading to the capture of Tantya Tope. Raja Mansingh kept a battalion of soldiers with Tantya-Tope and his trusted guards in a secret hide-out. Raja Mansingh used to meet Tantya Tope in that secret hideout to discuss about the raging war all around and its latest development and for planning further attacks. On that fateful day, both of them were discussing seriously about the war till late night and after midnight Tantya Tope slept. Major Mead's alleged narration was that Raja Mansingh surreptitiously led his soldiers into that secret hide out. He captured Tantya Tope himself unaware and overpowered him with bare hands. But Tantya Tope wrestled and got out of his grip with professional ease. In that virtual pandemonium two persons
wriggled out in fast commotion and vanished into darkness on two sturdy waiting horses with lightening speed. Of the two daring horse-riders one was the General Tantya Tope himself and the other was his trusted friends and able accomplice Pandit Govind Rao, a prominent priest –enlisted to accomplish the ordained duty of organizing the miraculous escape of the indomitable General Tantya Tope, unhurt in that scuffle in pitch darkness. The man whom they caught was Narayan Rao Bhagvat and spread the rumour that they have captured Tantya-Tope in a fierce battle. General outram's doubt Attention should be given to another telegram with No.162. This telegram was sent by C.Beadon from Calcutta to Brigadier General Napier at Guna on April 15 1859. A doubt has been expressed regarding this telegram by General Outram whether Tantya Tope was the same Bhavu Tambekar who was formerly the Diwan of Baroda. If this was true, where was Bhavu Tambekar? Conduct an enquiry into this matter. This telegram casts doubt about the identity of the person who was captured as Tantya 'Another telegram was sent long after the execution on 19th April 1859 afternoon with S.No:167 by Captain Halvert to C.Beadon, Secretary to Government, Calcutta. The telegram is given below confirming the execution of Tantya Tope at Sipri. “General Tantya-Tope has been hanged To Death until pronounced dead His identity has been confirmed by the General Himself” Why the Execution was not carried at Guna? After fabricating the story of capturing Tantya Tope at Mahodara Major Mead gave a telegram asking for orders for what further action he should take on Tantya Tope. On April 10th Brigadier General R.Napier wrote to R.Simpson in Calcutta thus: “On Tantya – Tope was captured by Major Mead with the all edged help of Raja
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Mansingh at Mahodara. Until further orders come, what I suggest you are: you conduct the case of the accused with court – Martial procedures. Refer letter No.4146 of GF. Edmonston and proceed through as per Sir R.Hamilton's indictment procedures incorporated on 29th October 1858 Act.” In the light of these instructions from senior Army Officers Major Mead was asked whether it was possible to conduct Court Martial and sentence him to death at Mahodara on April, 12th 1859 a telegram with No.159 was sent by C.Beadon to Brigadier General R.Napier it was clearly said; (the telegram text is given below) “Let the Trial of Tantya Tope by court Martial at Guna. Proceed and let the sentence be carried”. In spite of this official correspondence, the court Martial and death sentence was carried on in a far off place at Sipri on April 18th 1859 and not even in Kanpur where he was an acclaimed General of the armed forces. Apparently the person whom they had captured was some other unknown person as all evidence proves. This fact very clearly was established by Dr.S.N.Sinha of Archaeological Survey of India, U.P. in his doctoral dissertation entitled. “The Revolt of 1857 in Budelkhand” He reiterates: “The hasty trial of Tantya Tope at Sipri has raised a number of doubts. It has already been settled that Tantya Tope would be tried at Guna this decision was confirmed by a telegram of C.Beadon sent from Calcutta on April 12th 1859 which ran “let the trial of Tantya Tope by court Martial at Guna proceed and let the sentence be carried out”. No satisfactory explanation of his not being tried by a regular court is available, which Rao Saheb etc., were tried by regular courts.
Why was no attempt made to bring him to Kanpur or to some other place where people knew him well? Later on some persons suspected as Nana Saheb were brought to Kanpur and a thorough investigation regarding their identity was made and cases against them were dismissed. General Outram doubted Tantya's identity and said that the arrested person was Bhow Tambekar, the late (erstwhile) Minister of Baroda. Long after, during the trial of Rao Saheb in 1862, questions relating to the whereabouts of Tantya Tope were put to him. A similar question was also put to Ramakrishna Pandurang Tope, step brother of Tantya Tope by Lullo Ashram Foujadar even after Tantya Tope has been supposed to be executed. The Drama of Trial of Tantya Tope in the court Tantya's Faked testament of being guilty of treason The trial of Tantya Tope is available in the old records of collectorates of the area. A detailed description of the assembling of the court, the statements of quite a number of witnesses were shown in the court records to establish his trial. No other person was given so much of importance in the proceedings of the court. It was elaborate to the point of being indulgent towards Tantya Tope only to prove his being guilty of treason. An affidavit to the effect that he was making these statements out of his own volition and not out of any compulsion was also recorded as a matter of procedure. He was made to sign these statements for purposes of authentication with official seals of the court. A copy of this is carefully preserved in the Gwalior Museum. Two pictures of Tantya Tope were appended to these records. One picture has not got even a resemblance of resemblance to the real picture of Tantya Tope which was also affixed by its side.
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“Whose picture was it? The picture that was shown in those records was a pencil sketch drawn in a hurry by some army officer. This pencil sketch picture has no resemblance to the known facial features of real Tantya-Tope. According to his family members even the 'signatures' of Tantya Tope attested in these
records were signature. The whole thing appears to be hogwash-the usual baloney of the English. All these well researched facts reveal that the needle of truth point toward one unassailable fact that the English army and its officers were no match to the military ingenuity of Tantya Tope. Inspite of the treachery of the English Army they have failed to defeat him in any of the battle fronts and resorted to ambush him.
It is life to do good, it is death not to do good to others. Ninety per cent of human brutes you see are dead, are ghosts ---for none lives, my boys, but he who loves. Feel, my children, feel; feel for the poor, the ignorant, the downtrodden, feel till the heart stops and the brain reels and you think you will go mad. I call him a traitor who, having been educated, nursed in luxury by the heart's blood of the downtrodden millions of toiling poor, never even takes a thought for them. Where, in what period of history your rich men, noblemen, your priests and potentates took any thought for the poor --the grinding of whose faces is the very lifeblood of their power?
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Obituary
Janam Safal Hoga Re...
S.Shivsankar
Janam Safal Hoga Re Bande Man Mein Raam Basale… as that sonorous, but somehow amazingly melodic voice booms out, we are relieved and reassured that all we need to do to make this life pleasant and purposeful is place the name of Ram in our hearts. What is that magical quality that lightens our heart when we hear that Ram Bhajan? The voice that soothes our hearts or the devotion it inspires or both? Definitely, the voice does have something to do with the way our hearts and souls lighten when we hear it, for it belongs to an unassuming man who entered Mumbai in search of a job in 1961. Fifteen years later, in 1976 he, along with his wife Chitra Singh entered our hearts with their debut album The Unforgettables. Jagjit Singh is a champion – of music, of those who survive on music, through music. For who else but a champion could create an amalgam of beautiful music through the fusion of traditional lyrics with modern sounds, without losing their essence of passion and melody and still be successful. He adapted the music and poetry that was the forte of giants like Begum Akhtar, Malika Pukhraj, Talat Mehmood and Mehdi Hasan to a form that was attractive to a wider audience. He was able to introduce and consistently use modern instruments like guitar and techniques like multi-track recording, and prove that they in fact enhanced the quality of the traditional music. Jagit and Chitra Singh were the first musicians to record an entire album digitally on multitrack recording in India for Beyond Time (1987). He was a man of many affinities and tastes. He loved horses, but he loved his family and friends more. His long-term accompanists Clarence Peterson (guitar) and Narayan
Sheware (percussion) declare their allegiance to a friend and benefactor, who not only created music with them, but also took care of their lives when in need. A friend indeed! He paved a path for many talented others to walk later. He guided many newcomers who are now famous – like Raj Kumar and Indrani Rizvi, and Ghansham Vaswani. Though he came across as a quiet person, who let his music do the talking, his philanthropic bent of mind was widely known and he always lent his voice to many a needy cause whenever possible. Very few know of the sorrows and troubles he faced in his life – his struggle to gain a foothold in the music scene during his early years and the loss of his children in the later years. He drowned all his sorrow in his music. And through that music helped millions of listeners drown their own sorrows. After an illustrious life of music and a star of the musical masses, he left us on Sharad Purnima. His legacy lives on in the hundreds of ghazals, bhajans and folk music he bequeathed us. He brought the devotional hymns of Nanak, Surdas, Kabir, as well as the poetry of Mirza Ghalib, Firaq Gorakhpuri, Ameer Meenai, Sudarshan Fakir, Shiv Batalvi into our living rooms. However, his true achievement lies in refining the tastes of listeners and keeping it still so amidst all the cacophony that goes in the name of music. Thanks to him and a few other musicians, the Bhakti music forms thrive today and have not been crowded by the loud noise that is film music. In fact, the impact of melodious music is so far reaching that film music has imbibed it and turns out soothing music very often. He has thus, helped reaffirm the power of devotion and melody through his melancholic and soulful music.
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Vivekananda Kendra Samachar
NAM is the biggest harvest festival and the most important festival of the state of Kerala and is celebrated with joy and enthusiasm irrespective of caste or community. ONAM is celebrated in the beginning of the month of chingam, the first month of Malayalam calendar (kollavarsham). This corresponds with the month of AugustSeptember according to gregoriam calendar. The word 'ONAM' or “THIRUVONAM” is derived from the Sanskrit word “SHRAVANAM”. Thiruvonam is one among the 27 nakshatras or constellations. Onam festival continues for ten days, starting from the day of Atham and culminating on Thiruvonam. Popularity and presentation of rich culture of the state during the carnival made Onam the National Festival of Kerala in 1961. The festival marks the homecoming of legendary King Mahabali. He is also popularly called 'Maveli and Onathappan'. Mahabali is the son of Virochana and grandson of Prahlad, the devout son of demon King Hiranyakashipu. Mahabali also belonged to the Asura dynasty but was an ardent worshipper of Lord Vishnu. During the reign of King Mahabali, Kerala witnessed its golden era. Everybody in the state was happy and prosperous and king was highly regarded by his subjects. Apart from all his virtues, Mahabali had one shortcoming. He was egoistic. It is believed that on the Thiruvonam day, Lord Vishnu took his fifth avatar as Vamana and sent him to the nether world. However, for all the good deed done by Mahablai, god granted him a boon that he could annually visit his people with whom he was so attached.
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The people of Kerala believe that on the Thiruvonam day King Mahabali visits his subjects and hence the day is marked by feasting and festivities. To welcome their revered King, people lay flower mate (pookalam) and prepare a grand feast (Onasadya). It is a nine course meal consisting of 11 to 13 essential dishes and served on banana leaves and people sit on a mat laid on
the floor to have the meal. It showcase the unity among people.
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Another enchanting feature of Onam is Vallamkali, the snake Boat race, held on the river Pampa. It is a colourful right to watch the decorated boat oared by hundreds of boatmen amidst chanting of songs and cheering by spectators. Pulikkali or kaduvakali is another entertaining performance where the performers take the quire of tigers, painting their bodies yellow with patterns of black and red. Kummattikali is another recreational folk dance performed during Onam. Kaikottikali is an elegant clap dance performed on the occasion of Onam. In this, women sing songs praising the legendary King Mahabali and dance around the pookalam. Thumbi Thullal is another folk dance performed by a group of women who sit in a circle. If we try to find out the meaning and significance behind its celebration we will see that according to legends it is this visit of Mahabali that is celebrated as Onam every year. People make all efforts to celebrate the festival in a grand way and impress upon their dear King that they are happy and wish him well. Onam not only keeps alive memories of a bygone era of peace and prosperity but bring families scattered in distant places to an annual get-together reinforcing the strong family bonds.
Spiritual Retreat
8-14 August 2011, Vivekanandapuram, Kanyakumari All India Spiritual Retreat was organized at Vivekanandapuram, Kanyakumari from 8-14 August 2011. In all 162 participants - Sisters94, Brothers-68 - from 13 states : Assam, West Bengal, Delhi, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala, Tamilnadu, Uttaranchal, Haryana and Punjab participated in this 7 day event. During the Camp, lectures were delivered on Spirituality, Kendra Prarthana, Upanishads, Happiness Analysis, Bhakti Yoga, Story of Vivekananda Rock Memorial, Vivekananda Kendra movement and activities, Purposeful life and Swami Vivekananda’s Sardh Shati Samaroh. Daily thought provoking “Manthan” was conducted on thoughts of Swami Vivekananda wherein the participants exhibited their team coordination, analytical and communicating skills. In all, the Camp was conducted in moderate discipline wherein most of the participants participated with the spirit of learning, sharing and experiencing. Many expressed their desire to contribute in the Vivekananda thought movement and the coming Vivekananda Sardh-Shati Samaroh to best of their present capacities.
Yuva bharati - 43 - November 2011
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